"As a government, the ANC will create a legal framework that will assist, rather than impede, the awesome task of reconstruction and development of our battered society. "...... This is the challenge that faces all South Africans today, and it is one to which I am certain we will all rise." - Nelson Mandela in May 1994.
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Seventeen years ago on May 9 1994 when Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the new democratic president of the country, he not only committed his new government to creating peace and reconciliation, but he also made it abundantly clear that new policies would be introduced to bring about bring about socio-economic changes for the majority.
Among other things, he said: "As a government, the ANC will create a legal framework that will assist, rather than impede, the awesome task of reconstruction and development of our battered society.
"...... This is the challenge that faces all South Africans today, and it is one to which I am certain we will all rise."
Since then Mandela has repeatedly, until his retirement five years later, stated that the ANC Government and its leaders and members will first and foremost work to improve the quality of life of the masses - the poor, marginalised and the disadvantaged.
One of the measures the ruling ANC introduced was called BEE or Black Economic Empowerment. This measure gave preference to the majority black people in so far as government contracts at the national, provincial and local government was concerned.
As a result over the past decade or so, many thousands have empowered themselves economically but sadly many of the people who capitalised and became beneficiaries of BEE belong to the political elite, their families, friends and hangers-on.
It's in this context that the political leader, Julius Malema, who claims he's working to uplift the poor and the disadvantaged, currently finds himself.
Cutting out all the frills, Malema, who is also the president of the ANC Youth League and who has aspirations of one day occupying the president's seat, is alleged to be using his political clout to amass tens of millions of unbegotten wealth as exposed by the City Press and other newspapers at the weekend.
The devastating reports about his lavish life were published despite his attempts to block the publication of the reports through an application to the Guateng High Court.
It's alleged he has used his political position to obtain government contracts for his friends and business associates and inturn he has been paid huge amounts, which he has channelled into his trust account, Ratanang Family Trust, of which he is the sole trustee.
This, many role players is nothing but CORRUPTION, CORRUPTION AND CORRUPTION.
Malema it seems cannot account for his millions as, in his own words, he earns "above R20 000" a month from the ANC.
Questions have already been asked how could he afford a R3,6-million house in Sandown which he has now broken down to build a R16-million mansion; a R1-million house in Polokwane; and a farm in Limpopo, for which he has paid R800 000 in cash.
He also drives around in luxury cars, some of them valued at more than R1-million; sports watches that are worth more than R250 000; wears designer clothes valued at tens of thousands of rand; eats at super luxury restaurants and drinks the most expensive wines.
Malema, in his usual boorish attitude, has tried to rubbish questions about his wealth by adopting a defensive attitude. He told journalists last week: "It's none of your business... you must mind your own business."
Malema, who wants to nationalise mines and confiscate land from whites, further astonished South Africans when he said: "One of the things I have learnt in my short life in politics is the ability to live in the conditions of capitalism while fighting it and defeating it."
The tragedy of the Malema drama is that he's not the only political leader to use his position and staus to further his financial interests. It's reported that scores, if not hundreds, of political leaders at all levels in almost every corner of the country have used and are continuing to use their positions to rake in millions in cash or are funnelling into bank accounts of families, extended family members and friends.
In this mad rush to gain from capitalism while at the same time "fighting it and defeating it", the millions of the poor and the ordinary people, that Malema claims on whose behalf he has entered politics, continue to wallow in increasing poverty, unemployment and joblessness.
The Malemas have not only tarnished the heritage of Nelson Mandela and the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus, Govan Mbekis, Monty Naickers and Yusuf Dadoos but have also shredded and ripped apart their legacy.
For this travesty the Malemas must be called to account and pay. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Sunday, July 31, 2011
Thursday, July 21, 2011
Nelson Mandela - a "humble servant" that many ANC leaders find difficult to emulate
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
While all of us are caught up in the euphoria of South Africa's first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, celebrating his 93 birthday on Monday, July 18, I want to take you back to the memorable day on February 11, 1990 when he was released from 27 years in prison.
Nine days earlier, the last white president of South Africa, Mr F W de Klerk, astounded South Africans and the world at large when on February 2, 1990 he made some amazing pronouncements. He first announced that the ANC, PAC and scores of other organisations would be unbanned with immediate effect and then went onto announce that the symbol of the freedom struggle, Nelson Mandela, would be released from prison unconditionally on February 11, 1990.
Hundreds of foreign and local journalists, including this correspondent, descended on Cape Town a few days earlier to witness the historic event. Scores of political activists, members of the United Democratic Front, the Release Mandela Committee and the Welcome Home Mandela Committee, headed by Cyril Ramaphosa, were also present to receive the political icon.
Soon after he was released from Victor Verster Prison, he was met by his former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, other leaders and a sea of television crews, photographers and journalists.
He was debriefed by Ramaphosa and his committee members and immediately driven to the Grand Parade in the centre of Cape Town where more than 30 000 wildly-cheering people awaited him.
He was greeted by shouts of "Viva Mandela,Viva" and the singing of freedom songs. When Mandela climbed the platform with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the huge crowd erupted into spontaneous singing, dancing and some even shedding tears of joy.
When Mandela began to address the highly-jubilant and happy crowd, he immediately adopted a conciliatory tone that was to be his political message for the rest of his political life until his retirement in 1999.
He started off by paying tribute to the people for making his release possible.
He said: "I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices has made it possible for me to be here today. I, therefore, place my remaining years of my life in your hands."
He then surprised many people in the huge crowd when he described Mr De Klerk, the white leader who made his release possible, as a "man of integrity". There were many in the huge crowd who showed their displeasure by hissing and making unkind remarks against De Klerk.
But Mandela went on.
"Mr De Klerk," the newly-released Mandela said, "has gone further than any other National Party president in taking real steps to normalise the situation".
"It must be added that Mr De Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honouring his undertaking."
At the same time, however, he called on the people not to let their guard down and to continue the political struggles until South Africa was free. But he made it clear that South Africa was a non-racial country and that the new South Africa should be free of racism and offer equal opportunities for all people.
In this regard, he had this message for the people: "In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I quote 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for, and to see realised. But my Lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die'."
Soon after delivering what most observors considered to be a conciliatory and all-embracing message, Mr Mandela was whisked away to the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu where he addressed the media.
In his address to the local and foreign journalists, he not only thanked the media for always promoting his release and freedom but also re-iterated that he wanted to see the creation of a new South Africa where all citizens would be treated equally without any discrimination whatsoever, where race discrmination and domination would be a thing of the past.
Mandela, thereafter, pursued the unity theme throughout the negotiations process from 1990 to 1994, and for the next five years after he was installed as the country's first democratic president after the first democratic elections on April 27, 1994.
On the day of his inauguration as president on May 9, 1994, he said:
"Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world."
And when he addressed the newly-elected democratic parliament in Cape Town on May 25, 1994, he once again emphasised the importance of building a new South Africa where all people would feel at home.
He told the new parliamentarians: "Our single most important challenge is, therefore, to help establish a social order in which the freedom of the individual will truly mean the freedom of the individual. We must construct that people-centred society of freedom in such a manner that it guarantees the political liberties and the human rights of all our citizens."
And when he formed his first democratic Government, Mandela was all-inclusive. He ensured that all the communities were represented in his Cabinet. He travelled the length and breadth of South Africa, speaking to different cultural and religious groups, re-assuring them that group and individual rights were protected in the new non-racial and democratic South Africa.
In one address in Durban in November 1994, Mandela gave an assurance that no cultural group or individual should feel insecure and that they should become part of the mainstream.
"Let us all join together regardless of the colour of our skin, the language we speak at home and the religion we confess and together do what our country and all its children cry out for to build one nation, inspired by a common patriotism and love for the rich diversity of cultures which is our common heritage."
Nelson Mandela, despite being imprisoned for 27 years and being hounded, banned and made to feel a "criminal" in the 67 years of his service to the struggles for freedom and liberty, has never wavered from this devotion to non-racialism, equality and democracy. His life has been an inspiration to all South Africans and the world at large. They are values that he had passed onto to Thabo Mbeki after only serving five years and stepping down from office in 1999.
But, unfortunately, 21 years after his release and 17 years after the ANC has been in power, many people within the ANC appear to have forgotten the ideals, values and principles that Mandela had struggled and sacrificed 67 years of his life for.
Today, it appears, it's more about how some of the people could use the organs of power to enrich themselves. They have no interest in Mr Mandela's propogation of a non-racial and democratic South Africa where all people could live in peace and harmony.
It seems Mr Mandela is a "hard act" to follow.
After his release and during his five years in office as President Mr Mandela has visited India, among other countries, on several occasions. During his visit to India in 1995, he was feted as a "Mahatma" and compared to Mahatma Gandhi because he brought freedom to South Africa just as Gandhi unchained the people of India from British colonialism.
On his 93rd birthday, it, therefore, seems appropriate that because of his role in South Africa he should be honoured by being referred to as Mahatma Mandela or "Saint" Mandela.
This is our tribute to him. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
While all of us are caught up in the euphoria of South Africa's first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, celebrating his 93 birthday on Monday, July 18, I want to take you back to the memorable day on February 11, 1990 when he was released from 27 years in prison.
Nine days earlier, the last white president of South Africa, Mr F W de Klerk, astounded South Africans and the world at large when on February 2, 1990 he made some amazing pronouncements. He first announced that the ANC, PAC and scores of other organisations would be unbanned with immediate effect and then went onto announce that the symbol of the freedom struggle, Nelson Mandela, would be released from prison unconditionally on February 11, 1990.
Hundreds of foreign and local journalists, including this correspondent, descended on Cape Town a few days earlier to witness the historic event. Scores of political activists, members of the United Democratic Front, the Release Mandela Committee and the Welcome Home Mandela Committee, headed by Cyril Ramaphosa, were also present to receive the political icon.
Soon after he was released from Victor Verster Prison, he was met by his former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, other leaders and a sea of television crews, photographers and journalists.
He was debriefed by Ramaphosa and his committee members and immediately driven to the Grand Parade in the centre of Cape Town where more than 30 000 wildly-cheering people awaited him.
He was greeted by shouts of "Viva Mandela,Viva" and the singing of freedom songs. When Mandela climbed the platform with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the huge crowd erupted into spontaneous singing, dancing and some even shedding tears of joy.
When Mandela began to address the highly-jubilant and happy crowd, he immediately adopted a conciliatory tone that was to be his political message for the rest of his political life until his retirement in 1999.
He started off by paying tribute to the people for making his release possible.
He said: "I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices has made it possible for me to be here today. I, therefore, place my remaining years of my life in your hands."
He then surprised many people in the huge crowd when he described Mr De Klerk, the white leader who made his release possible, as a "man of integrity". There were many in the huge crowd who showed their displeasure by hissing and making unkind remarks against De Klerk.
But Mandela went on.
"Mr De Klerk," the newly-released Mandela said, "has gone further than any other National Party president in taking real steps to normalise the situation".
"It must be added that Mr De Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honouring his undertaking."
At the same time, however, he called on the people not to let their guard down and to continue the political struggles until South Africa was free. But he made it clear that South Africa was a non-racial country and that the new South Africa should be free of racism and offer equal opportunities for all people.
In this regard, he had this message for the people: "In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I quote 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for, and to see realised. But my Lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die'."
Soon after delivering what most observors considered to be a conciliatory and all-embracing message, Mr Mandela was whisked away to the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu where he addressed the media.
In his address to the local and foreign journalists, he not only thanked the media for always promoting his release and freedom but also re-iterated that he wanted to see the creation of a new South Africa where all citizens would be treated equally without any discrimination whatsoever, where race discrmination and domination would be a thing of the past.
Mandela, thereafter, pursued the unity theme throughout the negotiations process from 1990 to 1994, and for the next five years after he was installed as the country's first democratic president after the first democratic elections on April 27, 1994.
On the day of his inauguration as president on May 9, 1994, he said:
"Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world."
And when he addressed the newly-elected democratic parliament in Cape Town on May 25, 1994, he once again emphasised the importance of building a new South Africa where all people would feel at home.
He told the new parliamentarians: "Our single most important challenge is, therefore, to help establish a social order in which the freedom of the individual will truly mean the freedom of the individual. We must construct that people-centred society of freedom in such a manner that it guarantees the political liberties and the human rights of all our citizens."
And when he formed his first democratic Government, Mandela was all-inclusive. He ensured that all the communities were represented in his Cabinet. He travelled the length and breadth of South Africa, speaking to different cultural and religious groups, re-assuring them that group and individual rights were protected in the new non-racial and democratic South Africa.
In one address in Durban in November 1994, Mandela gave an assurance that no cultural group or individual should feel insecure and that they should become part of the mainstream.
"Let us all join together regardless of the colour of our skin, the language we speak at home and the religion we confess and together do what our country and all its children cry out for to build one nation, inspired by a common patriotism and love for the rich diversity of cultures which is our common heritage."
Nelson Mandela, despite being imprisoned for 27 years and being hounded, banned and made to feel a "criminal" in the 67 years of his service to the struggles for freedom and liberty, has never wavered from this devotion to non-racialism, equality and democracy. His life has been an inspiration to all South Africans and the world at large. They are values that he had passed onto to Thabo Mbeki after only serving five years and stepping down from office in 1999.
But, unfortunately, 21 years after his release and 17 years after the ANC has been in power, many people within the ANC appear to have forgotten the ideals, values and principles that Mandela had struggled and sacrificed 67 years of his life for.
Today, it appears, it's more about how some of the people could use the organs of power to enrich themselves. They have no interest in Mr Mandela's propogation of a non-racial and democratic South Africa where all people could live in peace and harmony.
It seems Mr Mandela is a "hard act" to follow.
After his release and during his five years in office as President Mr Mandela has visited India, among other countries, on several occasions. During his visit to India in 1995, he was feted as a "Mahatma" and compared to Mahatma Gandhi because he brought freedom to South Africa just as Gandhi unchained the people of India from British colonialism.
On his 93rd birthday, it, therefore, seems appropriate that because of his role in South Africa he should be honoured by being referred to as Mahatma Mandela or "Saint" Mandela.
This is our tribute to him. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Thursday, July 14, 2011
Greater co-operation with police is needed to tackle the high crime rate
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Violent crime in South Africa has taken its toll on many families and communities over the past two decades. Almost every other family has been affected in some way or the other by brutal murders, car hijackings, house robberies, business hold-ups, cash-in-transit heists and other violent crimes.
In many instances, the killers and violent robbers have escaped scot free and victims have not been informed of whether those responsible for the dire deeds have been brought to book or not.
The new non-racial and democratic Government had at first been somewhat lax in tackling the run-away crime. But over the past decade or so, the new Government has set up a number of measures in an attempt to make residential areas and CBDs a much safer place.
One of the measures introduced was the establishment of Community Police Forums and sub structures as a means of promoting co-operation between the Police and communities to tackle the crime situation. In Tongaat, the Tongaat Community Policing Forum(TCPF) was set up together with a number of local police forums in the different residential areas.
While for some time there has been a cordial and effective working relationship between the Police and the TCPF, this harmonious relationship has now degenerated where certain officials of the TCPF and one or two so-called community leaders have embarked on a campaign to vilify and criticise the local police officers for allegedly "not doing their jobs properly".
Just last week, some of the TCPF officials and "community leaders" went on an offensive, attacking and criticising the police at a South Sector Police Forum meeting.
This estranged relationship follows the sacking of two officials on March 29 after it was found that their election on March 14 was unconstitutional. The police found that they could not serve on the TCPF because of previous "criminal convictions".
The two officials were replaced on April 4 by two other officials.
The sacked officials served a notice on the April 5 that they should be re-instated or a High Court Order would be sought. The two officials even attended a monthly meeting of the TCPF and took along with them about 60 supporters. The meeting had to be closed abruptly after the 60 supporters became disruptive.
The two officials subsequently went to the High Court which ruled that the officials should be re-instated in their positions. However, the High Court did not rule on the constitutionality of their election.
The police are still insisting that the election of the two officials are unconstitutional and, therefore, they merely want the constitution to be upheld.
This impasse has led to the local Tongaat police being vilified at every turn. The police have an unenviable task to ensure that the communities are safe from the violent criminals who roam our CBDs and the residential areas. At the moment the violent criminals are not only a threat to communities but also to the police. Since January this year alone, 48 police officers were brutally gunned down by violent criminals. Every year more than 150 police officers are killed in the line of duty.
This means that everytime the police respond to calls from members of the public they are also placing their lives at risk.
It's, therefore, imperative that there's an amicable relationship between the police and the TCPF so that the interests of the communities will be served without any fear or favour. We should not have a situation where the safety and security of tax-paying residents are compromised in any way. - Subry Govender, Editor.
(aka Subry Govender)
Violent crime in South Africa has taken its toll on many families and communities over the past two decades. Almost every other family has been affected in some way or the other by brutal murders, car hijackings, house robberies, business hold-ups, cash-in-transit heists and other violent crimes.
In many instances, the killers and violent robbers have escaped scot free and victims have not been informed of whether those responsible for the dire deeds have been brought to book or not.
The new non-racial and democratic Government had at first been somewhat lax in tackling the run-away crime. But over the past decade or so, the new Government has set up a number of measures in an attempt to make residential areas and CBDs a much safer place.
One of the measures introduced was the establishment of Community Police Forums and sub structures as a means of promoting co-operation between the Police and communities to tackle the crime situation. In Tongaat, the Tongaat Community Policing Forum(TCPF) was set up together with a number of local police forums in the different residential areas.
While for some time there has been a cordial and effective working relationship between the Police and the TCPF, this harmonious relationship has now degenerated where certain officials of the TCPF and one or two so-called community leaders have embarked on a campaign to vilify and criticise the local police officers for allegedly "not doing their jobs properly".
Just last week, some of the TCPF officials and "community leaders" went on an offensive, attacking and criticising the police at a South Sector Police Forum meeting.
This estranged relationship follows the sacking of two officials on March 29 after it was found that their election on March 14 was unconstitutional. The police found that they could not serve on the TCPF because of previous "criminal convictions".
The two officials were replaced on April 4 by two other officials.
The sacked officials served a notice on the April 5 that they should be re-instated or a High Court Order would be sought. The two officials even attended a monthly meeting of the TCPF and took along with them about 60 supporters. The meeting had to be closed abruptly after the 60 supporters became disruptive.
The two officials subsequently went to the High Court which ruled that the officials should be re-instated in their positions. However, the High Court did not rule on the constitutionality of their election.
The police are still insisting that the election of the two officials are unconstitutional and, therefore, they merely want the constitution to be upheld.
This impasse has led to the local Tongaat police being vilified at every turn. The police have an unenviable task to ensure that the communities are safe from the violent criminals who roam our CBDs and the residential areas. At the moment the violent criminals are not only a threat to communities but also to the police. Since January this year alone, 48 police officers were brutally gunned down by violent criminals. Every year more than 150 police officers are killed in the line of duty.
This means that everytime the police respond to calls from members of the public they are also placing their lives at risk.
It's, therefore, imperative that there's an amicable relationship between the police and the TCPF so that the interests of the communities will be served without any fear or favour. We should not have a situation where the safety and security of tax-paying residents are compromised in any way. - Subry Govender, Editor.
Tuesday, July 5, 2011
Rising unemployment - a ticking time-bomb?
By Marimuuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
About a week ago while walking towards our offices in Gopalal Hurbans Road, I was stopped by two young ladies who asked: "Sir, can you offer us some jobs?"
The young ladies were polite, well-spoken and bright. They also appeared to be young women who have passed their matriculation. Wanting to know more about them I asked where they were from and what kind of jobs they were interested in.
"We are from upper Tongaat and are looking for anything to do. Most of our family members are unemployed and we are having a tough time," they responded.
"We don't know what to do because wherever we go people say they don't have any vacancies."
On another occasion recently, while I was visiting the Windsor Park golf course in Durban I was approached by a middle-aged man who is employed as a supervisor at the golf course.
"Boss, boss, I wonder if you can please help me," said the man who lives in KwaMashu.
"My son finished matric in 2009 and he can't find a job. You have a lot of connections, please try to see whether you can find him a job. He will do anything. He has been looking for a job for sometime but wherever he goes people say they have no jobs.
"I don't know what to do. I am worried that he may join the wrong people."
These interactions in Tongaat and at Windsor Park serves to highlight the seriousness of unemployment in our region, province and the country in general.
Recently we had incidents in Tongaat and Verulam where local residents took to the streets to protest against contractors carrying out government jobs. They accused the contractors of not employing local labour in terms of their agreements with the government. They demanded that they should be employed and the contractors should not bring in their own people.
The situation is so acute that people looking for jobs are clearly visible almost everywhere - in town and city centres, street corners, at robots, shopping complexes, business centres and industrial bases. At most places they are faced with signs that read: "No Vacancies" or "Awukho Ntsebensi"
According to recent statistics released by Statistics South Africa, it's estimated that nearly 25 percent of people of working age or about 4,5-million are unemployed and most of the jobless are the youth.
President Jacob Zuma and his government have realised that they are sitting on a ticking "time bomb" and recently announced measures in an attempt to create jobs. President Zuma and the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, have proposed a R9-bn package dedicated to employment creation and R20-bn in incentives to manufacturing firms to create jobs.
While President Zuma and his government are trying to tackle the high unemployment rate and poverty, there seems to be a lack of consensus among role players - the government, private businesses, trade unions and the society at large - about the best way to reign in unemployment and poverty.
The incentives for manufacturing firms is a step in the right direction, but it seems that many people have lost the entrepreneurial spirit because of the labour laws that places severe restrictions on would be employers. In addition, the talk of nationalisation of mines and banks and the confiscation of land, all add to "murder" the entrepreneurial spirit among those currently in business and those who would like to pursue a career as business people.
It's clear that the government needs to encourage the entrepreneurial culture among all people instead of being held to ransom by organisations and individuals who have no idea whatsoever of how to be productive or to create jobs.
The Government needs to assist the new aspiring entrepreneurs and not the tenderpreneurs who have no vision whatsoever to create jobs, except to accumulate unbegotten wealth without expending any sweat or using their brain.
Failure to create the right conditions and climate for young and new business people to prosper and flourish and for millions of jobs to be created will be disastrous for our new non-racial democracy. The millions of jobless will not just continue to sit on the roadsides and twiddle their thumbs without becoming frustrated. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
About a week ago while walking towards our offices in Gopalal Hurbans Road, I was stopped by two young ladies who asked: "Sir, can you offer us some jobs?"
The young ladies were polite, well-spoken and bright. They also appeared to be young women who have passed their matriculation. Wanting to know more about them I asked where they were from and what kind of jobs they were interested in.
"We are from upper Tongaat and are looking for anything to do. Most of our family members are unemployed and we are having a tough time," they responded.
"We don't know what to do because wherever we go people say they don't have any vacancies."
On another occasion recently, while I was visiting the Windsor Park golf course in Durban I was approached by a middle-aged man who is employed as a supervisor at the golf course.
"Boss, boss, I wonder if you can please help me," said the man who lives in KwaMashu.
"My son finished matric in 2009 and he can't find a job. You have a lot of connections, please try to see whether you can find him a job. He will do anything. He has been looking for a job for sometime but wherever he goes people say they have no jobs.
"I don't know what to do. I am worried that he may join the wrong people."
These interactions in Tongaat and at Windsor Park serves to highlight the seriousness of unemployment in our region, province and the country in general.
Recently we had incidents in Tongaat and Verulam where local residents took to the streets to protest against contractors carrying out government jobs. They accused the contractors of not employing local labour in terms of their agreements with the government. They demanded that they should be employed and the contractors should not bring in their own people.
The situation is so acute that people looking for jobs are clearly visible almost everywhere - in town and city centres, street corners, at robots, shopping complexes, business centres and industrial bases. At most places they are faced with signs that read: "No Vacancies" or "Awukho Ntsebensi"
According to recent statistics released by Statistics South Africa, it's estimated that nearly 25 percent of people of working age or about 4,5-million are unemployed and most of the jobless are the youth.
President Jacob Zuma and his government have realised that they are sitting on a ticking "time bomb" and recently announced measures in an attempt to create jobs. President Zuma and the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, have proposed a R9-bn package dedicated to employment creation and R20-bn in incentives to manufacturing firms to create jobs.
While President Zuma and his government are trying to tackle the high unemployment rate and poverty, there seems to be a lack of consensus among role players - the government, private businesses, trade unions and the society at large - about the best way to reign in unemployment and poverty.
The incentives for manufacturing firms is a step in the right direction, but it seems that many people have lost the entrepreneurial spirit because of the labour laws that places severe restrictions on would be employers. In addition, the talk of nationalisation of mines and banks and the confiscation of land, all add to "murder" the entrepreneurial spirit among those currently in business and those who would like to pursue a career as business people.
It's clear that the government needs to encourage the entrepreneurial culture among all people instead of being held to ransom by organisations and individuals who have no idea whatsoever of how to be productive or to create jobs.
The Government needs to assist the new aspiring entrepreneurs and not the tenderpreneurs who have no vision whatsoever to create jobs, except to accumulate unbegotten wealth without expending any sweat or using their brain.
Failure to create the right conditions and climate for young and new business people to prosper and flourish and for millions of jobs to be created will be disastrous for our new non-racial democracy. The millions of jobless will not just continue to sit on the roadsides and twiddle their thumbs without becoming frustrated. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Monday, June 27, 2011
Professor Kader Asmal leaves a void that will be difficult to fill
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Another great South African who spoke out strongly and without any fear till his last moments to protect the struggle principles and values that the ANC and others had fought and died for is no longer with us.
Professor Kader Asmal, who was born and went to school in KwaDukuza(formerly Stanger), passed away at the age of 76 in Cape Town on Wednesday, June 22. His death follows that of veteran women leader, Mrs Albertina Sisulu, who passed away on June 2 at the age of 92.
Professor Asmal, who was not a practising religionist, was cremated in Cape Town on Saturday, June 25, in a private family ceremony. The ANC has decided to honour him by holding two memorials - one in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg - after the official state ceremony in Cape Town on Thursday, June 30.
Professor Asmal, who served as Minister of Water Affairs and Minister of Education under the presidency of Mr Nelson Mandela and Mr Thabo Mbeki respectively since 1994, will be remembered as one the fearless leaders who expressed his views vociferously against any measures that threatened the non-racial and democratic constitution of the country. He also refused to be cowed down by the likes of a Julius Malema.
Only a week before his death, the former Minister chastised his organisation, the ANC, for wanting to rush through parliament the Protection of Information Bill, which he described as a measure that was so deeply flawed that it could not be fixed. He called for the bill to be scrapped. This is what he said:
"My fear or anxiety is that if the bill is forced through the ad hoc committee, people whose judgement I trust will lose faith in the democratic process."
Just over a year ago he did not mince any words when he described Julius Malema, who was re-elected leader of the ANC Youth League a fortnight ago, as a "lightning rod" who was using bullying and intimidation tactics to promote his "personal position, access and wealth".
He said: "This is corruption of the most corrosive kind and must be tackled at root. I fear we are observing our constitutional order being chiselled away to the point where we risk losing sight of the founding principles and practices of our democracy. One can see it and hear it."
And when Malema displayed his boorish attitude against a BBC reporter, Jonah Fish, during a press conference at Luthuli House in Johannesburg a few years ago, Professor Asmal wrote to the reporter apologising for the manner in which he was treated by the ANC Youth League leader.
When the elite crime busting unit, Scorpions, was scrapped after President Thabo Mbeki was forced to step down after the rantings by Malema, Professor Asmal resigned as a member of parliament after saying that he would not want to part of a process where the fight against corruption was being compromised. The Scorpions was done away with because the Zuma faction in the ANC saw the unit as being used by Mbeki to target Zuma.
Zuma was sacked as Deputy President by President Mbeki after the Durban High Court had ruled in a finding against Schabir Shaik that Shaik had paid Zuma more than R1,4-million in return for political favours and government contracts. But the Zuma faction members got their own back at the ANC's conference in Polokwane in 2007 when they ousted Mbeki as leader of the ANC.
The Scorpions was done away with when Kgalema Motlanthe served as President after Mbeki stepped down early in 2008.
When resigning as member of parliament, Professor Asmal said he saw the dissolution of the Scorpions as an attack on the constitution of the country.
Professor Asmal also did not pull any punches at a time when former President Mbeki failed to take a constructive stance in the fight against HIV-AIDs. It's understood that at a number of Cabinet meetings, Professor Asmal differed with Mbeki and spoke his mind. It was because of this that Mbeki declined to appoint Professor Asmal to a cabinet position after the third democratic elections in 2004.
Professor Asmal was not only giant in terms of promoting the values and principles of the struggle but was also an intellectual giant who gave his fellow ministers a lesson or two in how they should be handling their ministries.
Said former colleague, Essop Pahad: "He was an intellectual giant who taught many of us so much. Right until the end he remained the moral compass of both the ANC and our country on key social and moral issues."
Professor Asmal became politically conscious while still at school in Stanger and after he came under the influence of ANC stalwart and the country's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Albert Luthuli. After he matriculated, he qualified as a teacher at the former Sringfield College of Education. He taught for four years and at the same time studied for his BA at Unisa. He left the country in 1959 and studied at the London School of Economics, King’s Inns, Dublin and Lincoln’s Inn, London, where he graduated as a barrister-at-law.
During his life in exile, Professor Asmal played a very important role in the anti-apartheid struggles. He was a founder member of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960, founder and chairperson of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, from 1964 to 1990, rapporteur of UN International conferences on apartheid, Havana, Cuba in 1976; Lagos, Nigeria in 1977, and Paris, France in 1986. He was a founder and chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties from 1976 to 1991 and legal advisor to the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee(SANROC).
He was an influential member of the ANC team that negotiated the transition from white minority rule to the non-racial democratic society during the Codesa talks in 1992 and 1993. He has been a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC from 1991 to 2007. At the time of his death, he was a senior law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and served as chairperson of the Nelson Mandela Museum Council.
The former Stanger lad was a "moral compass" in more ways than one and an INSPIRATION to all South Africans.
In one of his final interviews just before his death he said he was influenced by Dr Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, among others.
"Despite the negatives there was hope. The country should take into account that there was the marginalised, the poor, and the deprived. Leaders should work to uplift their lives, instead of trying to enrich those who are already in comfortable positions. We ignore the disadvantaged at our own peril."
It's hoped that Professor Asmal's life will be a lesson for many of the current lot of politicians who claim to be working for a better life for all South Africans. Professor Asmal leaves a void that will be very difficult to fill, especially at a time when most former activists don't have the guts to stand up to the Malemas and others who want to trample the NON-RACIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY that came into being in April 1994 after decades of struggle and sacrifice. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor.
(aka Subry Govender)
Another great South African who spoke out strongly and without any fear till his last moments to protect the struggle principles and values that the ANC and others had fought and died for is no longer with us.
Professor Kader Asmal, who was born and went to school in KwaDukuza(formerly Stanger), passed away at the age of 76 in Cape Town on Wednesday, June 22. His death follows that of veteran women leader, Mrs Albertina Sisulu, who passed away on June 2 at the age of 92.
Professor Asmal, who was not a practising religionist, was cremated in Cape Town on Saturday, June 25, in a private family ceremony. The ANC has decided to honour him by holding two memorials - one in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg - after the official state ceremony in Cape Town on Thursday, June 30.
Professor Asmal, who served as Minister of Water Affairs and Minister of Education under the presidency of Mr Nelson Mandela and Mr Thabo Mbeki respectively since 1994, will be remembered as one the fearless leaders who expressed his views vociferously against any measures that threatened the non-racial and democratic constitution of the country. He also refused to be cowed down by the likes of a Julius Malema.
Only a week before his death, the former Minister chastised his organisation, the ANC, for wanting to rush through parliament the Protection of Information Bill, which he described as a measure that was so deeply flawed that it could not be fixed. He called for the bill to be scrapped. This is what he said:
"My fear or anxiety is that if the bill is forced through the ad hoc committee, people whose judgement I trust will lose faith in the democratic process."
Just over a year ago he did not mince any words when he described Julius Malema, who was re-elected leader of the ANC Youth League a fortnight ago, as a "lightning rod" who was using bullying and intimidation tactics to promote his "personal position, access and wealth".
He said: "This is corruption of the most corrosive kind and must be tackled at root. I fear we are observing our constitutional order being chiselled away to the point where we risk losing sight of the founding principles and practices of our democracy. One can see it and hear it."
And when Malema displayed his boorish attitude against a BBC reporter, Jonah Fish, during a press conference at Luthuli House in Johannesburg a few years ago, Professor Asmal wrote to the reporter apologising for the manner in which he was treated by the ANC Youth League leader.
When the elite crime busting unit, Scorpions, was scrapped after President Thabo Mbeki was forced to step down after the rantings by Malema, Professor Asmal resigned as a member of parliament after saying that he would not want to part of a process where the fight against corruption was being compromised. The Scorpions was done away with because the Zuma faction in the ANC saw the unit as being used by Mbeki to target Zuma.
Zuma was sacked as Deputy President by President Mbeki after the Durban High Court had ruled in a finding against Schabir Shaik that Shaik had paid Zuma more than R1,4-million in return for political favours and government contracts. But the Zuma faction members got their own back at the ANC's conference in Polokwane in 2007 when they ousted Mbeki as leader of the ANC.
The Scorpions was done away with when Kgalema Motlanthe served as President after Mbeki stepped down early in 2008.
When resigning as member of parliament, Professor Asmal said he saw the dissolution of the Scorpions as an attack on the constitution of the country.
Professor Asmal also did not pull any punches at a time when former President Mbeki failed to take a constructive stance in the fight against HIV-AIDs. It's understood that at a number of Cabinet meetings, Professor Asmal differed with Mbeki and spoke his mind. It was because of this that Mbeki declined to appoint Professor Asmal to a cabinet position after the third democratic elections in 2004.
Professor Asmal was not only giant in terms of promoting the values and principles of the struggle but was also an intellectual giant who gave his fellow ministers a lesson or two in how they should be handling their ministries.
Said former colleague, Essop Pahad: "He was an intellectual giant who taught many of us so much. Right until the end he remained the moral compass of both the ANC and our country on key social and moral issues."
Professor Asmal became politically conscious while still at school in Stanger and after he came under the influence of ANC stalwart and the country's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Albert Luthuli. After he matriculated, he qualified as a teacher at the former Sringfield College of Education. He taught for four years and at the same time studied for his BA at Unisa. He left the country in 1959 and studied at the London School of Economics, King’s Inns, Dublin and Lincoln’s Inn, London, where he graduated as a barrister-at-law.
During his life in exile, Professor Asmal played a very important role in the anti-apartheid struggles. He was a founder member of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960, founder and chairperson of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, from 1964 to 1990, rapporteur of UN International conferences on apartheid, Havana, Cuba in 1976; Lagos, Nigeria in 1977, and Paris, France in 1986. He was a founder and chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties from 1976 to 1991 and legal advisor to the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee(SANROC).
He was an influential member of the ANC team that negotiated the transition from white minority rule to the non-racial democratic society during the Codesa talks in 1992 and 1993. He has been a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC from 1991 to 2007. At the time of his death, he was a senior law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and served as chairperson of the Nelson Mandela Museum Council.
The former Stanger lad was a "moral compass" in more ways than one and an INSPIRATION to all South Africans.
In one of his final interviews just before his death he said he was influenced by Dr Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, among others.
"Despite the negatives there was hope. The country should take into account that there was the marginalised, the poor, and the deprived. Leaders should work to uplift their lives, instead of trying to enrich those who are already in comfortable positions. We ignore the disadvantaged at our own peril."
It's hoped that Professor Asmal's life will be a lesson for many of the current lot of politicians who claim to be working for a better life for all South Africans. Professor Asmal leaves a void that will be very difficult to fill, especially at a time when most former activists don't have the guts to stand up to the Malemas and others who want to trample the NON-RACIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY that came into being in April 1994 after decades of struggle and sacrifice. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor.
Sunday, June 26, 2011
South Africa on the Zimbabwe route if Julius Malema has his way
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
At a time when South Africans were observing the 35th anniversary of the June 16 uprisings by the youth of Soweto, the country was awash with the political rhetoric emanating from the ANC Youth League conference in Johannesburg.
The ANC Youth League leader, Julius Malema, who was re-elected president of the League, and some of his fellow leaders gave the impression that they were not the followers of the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus and the Nelson Mandelas but instead the followers of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.
One of the women leaders set the tone for a "Mugabe" atmosphere when she shouted: "Viva Julius Malema, Viva", "Viva the ANC, Viva", "Viva nationalisation of mines, Viva", "Viva land confiscation, Viva", "Viva transfer of economic power,Viva" and "Viva Africa for Africans, Viva".
Then came the saviour of the "black majority", Julius Malema, when he also followed the "Mugabe" line in his address by demanding that the Government must take radical steps to transfer the economy from the white minority to the black majority.
He made his demands in the presence of President Jacob Zuma.
After the woman leader and Malema captured the attention of the delegates, the conference, on the final day on Sunday, adopted Malema's demands without any dissension. These include:
* The expropriation of land from white farmers without compensation;
* The nationalisation of the country's mines;
* The nationalisation of banks; and
* The radical transfer of the economy into the hands of the black majority.
There's nothing wrong in a non-racial and democratic society like ours that role players have their say about the manner in which they would like the country to transform.
But what's of concern is that some of the actions and the talk at the Youth conference poses a direct challenge to the non-racial and democratic principles and ideals that many people had fought and died for. The demands about nationalisation and the confiscation of land without compensation are also worrying when one takes into account what has happened to the economy of Zimbabwe after Mugabe chased out the farmers and grabbed control of the economy.
Does Malema and his bunch of cronies want South Africa to descend and deteriorate to that level as well?
Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world and it will not work in South Africa as well.
For example, immediately after India gained its independence in 1947, the new leaders, including the first Prime Minister Jahawarlall Nehru, introduced a number of nationalisation measures in an attempt at what they saw as a panacea to overcome the poverty of the teeming masses.
Some of the measures included a number of state-run factories and hotels. After some time these institutions deteriorated to such an extent that the Government had to re-think its policies and instead promote the privatisation of state institutions and a free economy. It was because of these measures over the past 20 years that India has grown today to become one of the world's biggest industrial and economic powers.
In our instance, it's become a matter of urgency that President Zuma and other leaders must take Malema and the other "youth league" bright sparks by the scruff of their collars and make it clear that we cannot repeat the mistakes of countries that adopted "nationalisation" policies. They must also inform Malema and his "loud mouths" that South Africa belongs "to all who live in it" and that no one should be made to feel that they are not part of the non-racial society.
Malema's diatribe will only serve to drive out millions more out of the country and prevent foreign nationals from investing in our country. We need foreign investors for the creation of much-needed jobs, to fight poverty and to promote the well-being of all South Africans.
Already many South Africans are having doubts about the future of our country if the types of Malema and his fellow "leaders" have their way. They say that in 10 to 15 years South Africa will be reduced to another "Zimbabwe" if the likes of Malema are not wrapped around the knuckles by President Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, and other leaders.
Most people want to know why is Malema not being stopped in his tracks? They believe that Malema and the other "motor mouth" youth leaders will disappear into the sunset if they are told in no uncertain terms to mind their words and watch their steps.
One of those who has spoken out is veteran ANC leader, Ben Turok, who has warned that Malema's "demagogy" is a threat to the "non-racial" principles of the ANC.
Said Turok: "This demagogy constitutes the greatest threat, not just to our electoral performance, but also to our hard-won democratic achievements as a country in general. On top of these tendencies come the crude references to race by a few senior personalities in the movement and government. These tend to reinforce the perception that we are moving away from an African majority non-racial society towards a Black Republic."
- Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
At a time when South Africans were observing the 35th anniversary of the June 16 uprisings by the youth of Soweto, the country was awash with the political rhetoric emanating from the ANC Youth League conference in Johannesburg.
The ANC Youth League leader, Julius Malema, who was re-elected president of the League, and some of his fellow leaders gave the impression that they were not the followers of the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus and the Nelson Mandelas but instead the followers of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.
One of the women leaders set the tone for a "Mugabe" atmosphere when she shouted: "Viva Julius Malema, Viva", "Viva the ANC, Viva", "Viva nationalisation of mines, Viva", "Viva land confiscation, Viva", "Viva transfer of economic power,Viva" and "Viva Africa for Africans, Viva".
Then came the saviour of the "black majority", Julius Malema, when he also followed the "Mugabe" line in his address by demanding that the Government must take radical steps to transfer the economy from the white minority to the black majority.
He made his demands in the presence of President Jacob Zuma.
After the woman leader and Malema captured the attention of the delegates, the conference, on the final day on Sunday, adopted Malema's demands without any dissension. These include:
* The expropriation of land from white farmers without compensation;
* The nationalisation of the country's mines;
* The nationalisation of banks; and
* The radical transfer of the economy into the hands of the black majority.
There's nothing wrong in a non-racial and democratic society like ours that role players have their say about the manner in which they would like the country to transform.
But what's of concern is that some of the actions and the talk at the Youth conference poses a direct challenge to the non-racial and democratic principles and ideals that many people had fought and died for. The demands about nationalisation and the confiscation of land without compensation are also worrying when one takes into account what has happened to the economy of Zimbabwe after Mugabe chased out the farmers and grabbed control of the economy.
Does Malema and his bunch of cronies want South Africa to descend and deteriorate to that level as well?
Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world and it will not work in South Africa as well.
For example, immediately after India gained its independence in 1947, the new leaders, including the first Prime Minister Jahawarlall Nehru, introduced a number of nationalisation measures in an attempt at what they saw as a panacea to overcome the poverty of the teeming masses.
Some of the measures included a number of state-run factories and hotels. After some time these institutions deteriorated to such an extent that the Government had to re-think its policies and instead promote the privatisation of state institutions and a free economy. It was because of these measures over the past 20 years that India has grown today to become one of the world's biggest industrial and economic powers.
In our instance, it's become a matter of urgency that President Zuma and other leaders must take Malema and the other "youth league" bright sparks by the scruff of their collars and make it clear that we cannot repeat the mistakes of countries that adopted "nationalisation" policies. They must also inform Malema and his "loud mouths" that South Africa belongs "to all who live in it" and that no one should be made to feel that they are not part of the non-racial society.
Malema's diatribe will only serve to drive out millions more out of the country and prevent foreign nationals from investing in our country. We need foreign investors for the creation of much-needed jobs, to fight poverty and to promote the well-being of all South Africans.
Already many South Africans are having doubts about the future of our country if the types of Malema and his fellow "leaders" have their way. They say that in 10 to 15 years South Africa will be reduced to another "Zimbabwe" if the likes of Malema are not wrapped around the knuckles by President Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, and other leaders.
Most people want to know why is Malema not being stopped in his tracks? They believe that Malema and the other "motor mouth" youth leaders will disappear into the sunset if they are told in no uncertain terms to mind their words and watch their steps.
One of those who has spoken out is veteran ANC leader, Ben Turok, who has warned that Malema's "demagogy" is a threat to the "non-racial" principles of the ANC.
Said Turok: "This demagogy constitutes the greatest threat, not just to our electoral performance, but also to our hard-won democratic achievements as a country in general. On top of these tendencies come the crude references to race by a few senior personalities in the movement and government. These tend to reinforce the perception that we are moving away from an African majority non-racial society towards a Black Republic."
- Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Saturday, June 11, 2011
New media proposals before parliament are against the freedom of the media that struggle journalists and the ANC fought for
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
"Freedom of the media, which is the essence of democracy, will flourish in our country. We will feel deprived if we had a press that does not consider itself independent and free to criticise the action of public figures." These noble and gallant words were expressed by no less a leader than former President and former leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, when addressing local and foreign journalists in Johannesburg only a few days before the country's first democratic elections on April 27 1994.
Mandela added: "We need a Government that puts people first. The ANC will strive for an open society. Democracy means more than just a vote, it means vigorous debate. People must be free to express their views without fear, including criticising the Government of the day."
The independent and free media that Mandela talked about was enshrined in our new constiion when the ANC was elected to power 17 years ago. South Africans had been assured that the new democracy will promote the growth of a free, unhibited and vibrant media.
It would be unlike the media of the apartheid era when scores of progressives journalists had to pay a heavy price in the struggles for a free media. Former Defence Minister, Charles Nqakula; Press Ombudsman Joe Thloloe; former SABC CEO Zwelike Sisulu; Mathatha Tseudu; Juby Mayet; Philip Mthimkulu and the writer were just some of the scores of media people who had been jailed, banned and house-arrested, harrassed and intimidated and denied passports between the 1970s and late 1980s for fighting for media freedom.
For most of the past 17 years there's no doubt whatsoever that we as journalists have enjoyed the privilege of operating without any restrictions, curbs or threats.
But over the past few years some ruling members and politicians have tried to "stifle" the media with threats and other forms of intimidation.
Some of the new politicians even used to telephone editors and journalists to influence them to cover their progammes and speeches. They wanted journalists to be their "PROs".
Some of the politicians did not take kindly to the reportage of the widespread corruption which unfortunately has become part and parcel of our new South African democracy. One politician in the Eastern Cape recently even called on people to burn down a local newspaper because he saw the newspaper as not being supportive of the ruling party.
Therefore, the new measures, the Protection of Information Bill and the Media Appeals Tribunal, that the Government and the ruling ANC are now trying to push through parliament with undue haste have come as no surprise.
But for "struggle" leaders like Mandela and others, the new moves will not only be a surprise but also a painful and shocking development.
At this period it is worth recalling the high regard in which Mandela and others had held the media in. Only a day after he was released from prison on February 11, 1990, Mandela addressed the media at the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in Cape Town. He not only acknowledged the role the media played in his freedom and that of others but also congratulated them for their work.
"I want to assure you," he said, "that I am absolutely excited to be out".
He went on: "I am also excited to have the opportunity of addressing you because throughout these difficult years in prison the press, both local and foreign, had been a brick to us.
"I think it was the intention of the Government that we should be forgotten and that their leaders - leaders of the homelands and the bantustans and all those who work within Government structures - should be built up and that we should be forgotten.
"It was the press that kept the memory of those who had been in prison for offences which they had committed in the course of their political activities. It was the press that never forgot us and therefore we are indebted to you and I am happy to be here this morning with you."
Over the next few years during his travels around the country and to many parts of the world, Mandela ensured that he always maintained a cordial relationship with journalists and regularly engaged in jovial exchanges. He never forgot to compliment the media whenever the need arose.
"Being followed around by competent journalists and asked questions all the time keeps us on our toes," he once told journalists at a media briefing in Johannesburg.
But at the same time he also stood his ground when he disagreed with questions posed by journalists. He always did this without ever trying to give the impression that he wanted journalists to "toe the line" and stop asking awkward and difficult questions.
"Journalists have threatened that they are going to ask me awkward questions and I hope there are very good journalists who would protect me," he said once in early 1994.
"As foreign correspondents you will experience from your own perspective the difficulties of transition to a democratic South Africa. We have just three months before South Africa's first democratic elections. The future hold many exciting prospects for South Africa."
Now with Mandela and other leaders out of the way, there are some, not the majority, who pay very little value to a free and unbridled media in a democracy.
These elements must be reminded that a free, unfettered, courageous and vibrant media is the only guarantor of the continuation of our new hard-fought and earned non-racial democracy.
Therefore, despite the freedom of the media being guaranteed in our constitution, journalists must take up the cudgels and not stop until the powers that be remove the new Protection of the Information Bill and the ANC discards the Media Appeals Tribunal. There could be discussions about the Media Appeals Tribunal but we cannot allow a statutory tribunal that is going to be made up of government-appointed "party hacks" and other "hangers on". The campaign against the two measures must continue even if journalists have to go to jail once again in defence of the "freedom of the media" that Nelson Mandela talked about after being released in 1990 from nearly three decades of imprisonment.
South Africans must realise that at one time after Zimbabwe gained its independence in 1980 that country also enjoyed freedom of the press. But after President Robert Mugabe began to interfere and made the media a "mouthpiece" of his regime, one could see what has happened to the media there.
The measures now being promoted by the Government and the ANC may be the start of our media also travelling that route and becoming a "pliant" and "toothless" institution.
One is compelled to ask the question: What are some of the leaders and officials of the ruling ANC and the Government afraid of? We are not at war with any country nor anyone intending to attack our country for our gold and diamonds!
We are only at war with widescale fraud, corruption, thievery and other misdeeds at local, provincial and national government levels. The ANC and the Government must realise that if we don't expose these misdeeds then we will only be violating the freedom of expression and freedom of the media that all of us, including the ANC, fought for and won. Why should socially-conscious journalists be sent to lengthy jail terms if they expose corruption and other misdeeds committed by elected political leaders and government officials? The proposed new media regulations now before parliament will, once it becomes law, allow the Government not only to hide official corruption but also to jail courageous journalists who are not prepared to "toe the line". - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
"Freedom of the media, which is the essence of democracy, will flourish in our country. We will feel deprived if we had a press that does not consider itself independent and free to criticise the action of public figures." These noble and gallant words were expressed by no less a leader than former President and former leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, when addressing local and foreign journalists in Johannesburg only a few days before the country's first democratic elections on April 27 1994.
Mandela added: "We need a Government that puts people first. The ANC will strive for an open society. Democracy means more than just a vote, it means vigorous debate. People must be free to express their views without fear, including criticising the Government of the day."
The independent and free media that Mandela talked about was enshrined in our new constiion when the ANC was elected to power 17 years ago. South Africans had been assured that the new democracy will promote the growth of a free, unhibited and vibrant media.
It would be unlike the media of the apartheid era when scores of progressives journalists had to pay a heavy price in the struggles for a free media. Former Defence Minister, Charles Nqakula; Press Ombudsman Joe Thloloe; former SABC CEO Zwelike Sisulu; Mathatha Tseudu; Juby Mayet; Philip Mthimkulu and the writer were just some of the scores of media people who had been jailed, banned and house-arrested, harrassed and intimidated and denied passports between the 1970s and late 1980s for fighting for media freedom.
For most of the past 17 years there's no doubt whatsoever that we as journalists have enjoyed the privilege of operating without any restrictions, curbs or threats.
But over the past few years some ruling members and politicians have tried to "stifle" the media with threats and other forms of intimidation.
Some of the new politicians even used to telephone editors and journalists to influence them to cover their progammes and speeches. They wanted journalists to be their "PROs".
Some of the politicians did not take kindly to the reportage of the widespread corruption which unfortunately has become part and parcel of our new South African democracy. One politician in the Eastern Cape recently even called on people to burn down a local newspaper because he saw the newspaper as not being supportive of the ruling party.
Therefore, the new measures, the Protection of Information Bill and the Media Appeals Tribunal, that the Government and the ruling ANC are now trying to push through parliament with undue haste have come as no surprise.
But for "struggle" leaders like Mandela and others, the new moves will not only be a surprise but also a painful and shocking development.
At this period it is worth recalling the high regard in which Mandela and others had held the media in. Only a day after he was released from prison on February 11, 1990, Mandela addressed the media at the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in Cape Town. He not only acknowledged the role the media played in his freedom and that of others but also congratulated them for their work.
"I want to assure you," he said, "that I am absolutely excited to be out".
He went on: "I am also excited to have the opportunity of addressing you because throughout these difficult years in prison the press, both local and foreign, had been a brick to us.
"I think it was the intention of the Government that we should be forgotten and that their leaders - leaders of the homelands and the bantustans and all those who work within Government structures - should be built up and that we should be forgotten.
"It was the press that kept the memory of those who had been in prison for offences which they had committed in the course of their political activities. It was the press that never forgot us and therefore we are indebted to you and I am happy to be here this morning with you."
Over the next few years during his travels around the country and to many parts of the world, Mandela ensured that he always maintained a cordial relationship with journalists and regularly engaged in jovial exchanges. He never forgot to compliment the media whenever the need arose.
"Being followed around by competent journalists and asked questions all the time keeps us on our toes," he once told journalists at a media briefing in Johannesburg.
But at the same time he also stood his ground when he disagreed with questions posed by journalists. He always did this without ever trying to give the impression that he wanted journalists to "toe the line" and stop asking awkward and difficult questions.
"Journalists have threatened that they are going to ask me awkward questions and I hope there are very good journalists who would protect me," he said once in early 1994.
"As foreign correspondents you will experience from your own perspective the difficulties of transition to a democratic South Africa. We have just three months before South Africa's first democratic elections. The future hold many exciting prospects for South Africa."
Now with Mandela and other leaders out of the way, there are some, not the majority, who pay very little value to a free and unbridled media in a democracy.
These elements must be reminded that a free, unfettered, courageous and vibrant media is the only guarantor of the continuation of our new hard-fought and earned non-racial democracy.
Therefore, despite the freedom of the media being guaranteed in our constitution, journalists must take up the cudgels and not stop until the powers that be remove the new Protection of the Information Bill and the ANC discards the Media Appeals Tribunal. There could be discussions about the Media Appeals Tribunal but we cannot allow a statutory tribunal that is going to be made up of government-appointed "party hacks" and other "hangers on". The campaign against the two measures must continue even if journalists have to go to jail once again in defence of the "freedom of the media" that Nelson Mandela talked about after being released in 1990 from nearly three decades of imprisonment.
South Africans must realise that at one time after Zimbabwe gained its independence in 1980 that country also enjoyed freedom of the press. But after President Robert Mugabe began to interfere and made the media a "mouthpiece" of his regime, one could see what has happened to the media there.
The measures now being promoted by the Government and the ANC may be the start of our media also travelling that route and becoming a "pliant" and "toothless" institution.
One is compelled to ask the question: What are some of the leaders and officials of the ruling ANC and the Government afraid of? We are not at war with any country nor anyone intending to attack our country for our gold and diamonds!
We are only at war with widescale fraud, corruption, thievery and other misdeeds at local, provincial and national government levels. The ANC and the Government must realise that if we don't expose these misdeeds then we will only be violating the freedom of expression and freedom of the media that all of us, including the ANC, fought for and won. Why should socially-conscious journalists be sent to lengthy jail terms if they expose corruption and other misdeeds committed by elected political leaders and government officials? The proposed new media regulations now before parliament will, once it becomes law, allow the Government not only to hide official corruption but also to jail courageous journalists who are not prepared to "toe the line". - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
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