DR NAVANTHEM PILLAY

 

At a time when our country is facing serious social, economical and political problems, South Africans were treated to some positive news when it was announced today (October 9 2026) that one of our highest-ranking legal personalities, Dr Navanthem “Navi” Pillay, has won the 2026 Nobel Peace Prize. She followed in the footsteps of other South African Nobel Peace Prize winners – Dr Albert Luthuli, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former President Nelson Mandela, former National Party and last apartheid-era President, F W de Klerk.

Born in Clairwood, Durban, Dr Pillay played an important role during the struggles against apartheid and after 1994 she served as a judge. She entered the international arena when she was appointed the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in 2008.

At this time I was working as a political correspondent at the SABC in Durban and this gave me the opportunity of interviewing Dr Pillay. I compiled a radio documentary on her life and also transcribed the interview for print.

 

 

 

 

 

 

RECALLING AN INTERVIEW WITH DR NAVANTHEM PILLAY AFTER SHE WAS NOMINATED AS UN HUMAN RIGHTS HIGH COMMISSIONER IN JULY 2008

 

 

Another woman leader of Indian-origin who should be recognised during this Womens’ Month in South Africa is Dr Navanethem Pillay. From humble, working class beginnings in the suburb of Clairwood in Durban, Dr Pillay rose to be appointed as UN Human Rights Commissioner in September 2008. Her nomination was approved by the UN at the end of July 2008. After she was nominated, I had the privilege of interviewing her at her home in Durban.

I compiled this radio documentary after conducting the interview.

 

 

 

 

 

 

I also transcribed the interview for print:

1. Your early life?

I lived and grew up in Clairwood where it was a mixed community. African, coloured and Indian everyone got on very well. It was very safe you trusted everyone. It was an extremely poor community but there was a community feeling about that place.

To go back a bit about the background - my grand-father was brought here as an indentured labourer to work in the sugar cane fields. He lost both his arms in the mill, they were cut off. But he remained self-supporting. He became a sardar and he remained. He supported himself and he had two wives. He died at age 87.

He had two sons, my father as everybody knows was a bus driver. my father had seven children.

My father was different from most people of my generation. He felt that all the children were equal and he had to educate the girls as well as the boys.

So whereas my friends in high school at age 15 16 had to leave school because their parents had arranged marriages for them, I continued with my education.

I would never have been able to go to university had it not been for the people of Clairwood. The principal of the high school, Mr V Naidoo, and the teachers went around the community and they collected funds to send this young girl who has the potential to university. And it was the V Naidoo Bursary Fund I think which still continues because when I qualified as a lawyer, I paid back the money, so that other students would benefit.

It was very difficult times. You had the simplest of foods. My mother grew all the vegetables in the garden and we all helped her.

Looking back it was clearly a far more healthy lifestyle to eat lots of fresh vegetables and meat occasionally.

My mother and father worked extremely hard. I remember that they even built the house together brick by brick actual physical labour.

So all the children are educated and are in the professions. My father died two years ago after reaching the age of 100.

 

Teenage Marriage?

My father was such a dominant personality that he had the say and my mother wholly supported that. My brothers would not say that, they were not competitive in that respect.

My mother always believed in education and she said that her father wouldn't send her to school because he said that once she learns to write she would write letters to boyfriends and so he forbade her from going to school.

She was Telugu-speaking and she taught herself and she was highly-skilled.

"These are the people who are my role models. They had nothing and they taught themselves. Daily they thought about how to improve themselves and she said that girls you must have an education so that you won't be a slave to men. The expression is very beautiful in Tamil that you should never be a slave to a man.

That's how we were brought up and it was Indian only schools , Indian teachers - highly-dedicated teachers."

 

 

Tamil traditions!

 

We were brought up very strictly according to Tamil and Hindu traditions regular prayers and so on. We attended the Sunday service at the temple every Sunday and when I was 12 or 13 I ended up as Tamil teacher because I completed all the grades and they didn't know what to do with me so they made me a teacher.

We knew all the Thevaram songs and would sing it every weekend at the temple.

We had no newspaper at home and we had no radio. But we had to learn English because at school we had to learn English. So gradually what happened in our home also happened in most other homes the children would speak to their parents in English and the parents had to adapt and learn the language as well and so we almost forgotten our own mother tongue.

 

When I started law practice I used to speak Tamil. The elderly used to find that very helpful especially when we were talking about the will and so on.

I think if I have a three month refresher course I will be fluent again becaue it's all deep inside me obviously it's my language. My father spoke excellent Tamil  and Telugu.

 

What I want to say about education is that it was apartheid education. The whole history was what the whites wanted us to understand. In that respect we were indoctrinated and I think if any child tried to be confident and think outside the mould would make it and some of us did.

And I can recall many instances and I am surprised now that at such a young age I tried to distinguish between what was just and unjust and what's right and wrong.

 

 

 

University!

 

In primary and high school is that you had everything second hand so these old books came from white schools, desks came from white schools. So you understood that you were being disadvantaged because of your colour. Secondly there was the pegging act at that time where they took away the land owned by Indians later it became the group areas act - so the community of Indians were highly organised in protesting that and then we had the history of Gandhi and the peaceful marches that even women joined in. Those traditions affected us. In high school I would have been there between 12 and 16 - the high school campuses were very volatile students were very alert. I remember some students would have pamphlets printed against the Group Areas Act for instance and they would hide them in their socks because there were constant raids

Teachers were under contract not to speak about anything political. So it was extremely artificial system where we were all suffering out there where we could not speak about if openly in the classroom.

And one year the security police raided our school because the students went on a strike and they rounded up all the prefects. They were trying to find ringleaders and so on. And I remember how the principal and teachers stood back. It was almost like the secret police and took over our school.

And so I spoke up. I spoke up we were assigned duty stations and that's where we were and I remember how they stared at me because they were looking for ring leaders.

Of course I wondered why the teachers and other children did not speak out.

It was an environment where we were all intimidated because the penalties were so strong - you could be out of school, your parents could be jailed, detained for protesting.

 

At university everyone was hyper alert. You then are with students of all race groups - Africans whites and I was part of the student movement and the National Unity Movement which spoke about imperialism and how the wealth of the country is owned by big businesses outside the country. So you get a political education at university.

 

That's where I met my late husband - Paranjothy Athony Gaby Pillay and the others were Sunny Venketratnam, Kader Hashim, Enver Motala, Mogan Moodliar, John Samuels and just very many others.

 

World Situation?

I agree that the current times are fraught with stress and tensions and huge suffering all over the world. You will find that in recent times in conflicts and wars its civilians and mainly women and children who are the victims rather than soldiers fighting other soldiers.We are the living in terrifying times.

My intention as high commissioner is to do what the General Assmebly has mandated me to do. They set up this position of an independent officer who will protect human rights of people all over the world across all countries.

It's an enormous task I haven't started yet. I am going to consult everybody civil society organ siations, the personnel of 1000 people who have been running this office so far, various representatives of states, and of course the secretary general and the secretariat. I am going to do a broadbased consultation and of course familiarise myself with what has been done to date and then move forward.

 

How will you tackle these issues?

 

"You know I have spent the last 13 years committed to the principle of accountability and end to impunity. To hold political leaders and military leaders to account and punish them. So that's the principle of retributive justice which victims want and which the UN want because they set up these tribunals and the permanent court. As a judge I myself have sentenced five political leaders to life imprisonment which is a very strong way of dealing with leaders who commit serious crimes both violent crimes and economic crimes. But criminal prosecution is just one aspect.

"Now as High Commissioner it gives me the opportunity to address this from different points of view.

"People say you use the carrot or stick, pressure or diplomacy. I hope I can speed up my skills in this direction but I intend to plunge in."

 

"One has to understand that I have no national loyalty when dealing with human rights violations. You have loyalties to the rule of law, justice and human rights principles. Secondly the High Commissioners office has the same standard for all countries. Sam standards of adherence - so whether it's Zimbabwe or any other country that would be the standard. The High Commissioner's office will not concentrate on any one country. If we do that it will affect the credibility of the office. You will accept that whereve victims are suffering or human rights are being violated, the High Commissioner will step in and be the voice for those people.

"My attitude is that we just don't voice we don't to just speak about it you want to as far as possible to achieve results for victims. I can't tell you now that I have some magic solutions for that but I am going to follow the approahces followed by the previous high commissioner where she set up field officers in 50 states ton help governments themselves to build capacity or to help civilsociety organisations in those countries to build their capacities so that they can make their demands."

 

 

 

 

Sudan?

 

"The prosecutor is an independent director. He has been tasked by the UN General resolution which referred to the situation in Darfur. he has prepared his do0cuments. It will be a joint decision of judges to see whether there's sufficient evidence to indict the president of Sudan.

"If there is there sufficient evidence then they will authorise the indictment or the warrant of arrest.

"Finally the ICC guarantees fair trial.  It's a judicial process. We are not talking about lynching and hanging. We have established a mechanism to deal with things like this. The President of Sudan or anyone else is innocent until the charges are proved against him."

 

 

Sri Lanka?

 

"Human rights violations all over the world, including Sri Lanka, will be covered by the High Commissioner. We are already doing so. We have many staff in the office addressing the situation in Sri Lanka. I think that conflicts that drag on for so long and are so heavily political asre huge challenge for all of us. But we can never give up we must ensure that victims on both sides are protected."

 

 

Terrorism?

 

"The crime of terrorism is still being defined if I may begin by looking at the law. The crime of aggression is still to be defined and once it is it will come under the supervision of the international criminal court. I think every country is dealing with terrorism. It 's a most insidious form of violence because it affects innocent people in large numbers. May be many states are totally unprepared for these kind of crimes. It's very difficult I imagine to have these kind of crimes investigated. And we always seem to be reacting to such crimes instead of being able to pre-empt them. I am troubled as you about these serious activities that seem to be feature of our current lives."

 

August 2008

 

 

 

FLIGHT OF YOUNG LOVERS - FRONT AND BACK COVERS

JOURNALISTS WHO PAID THE PRICE FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE LATE 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, AND EARLY 1990s

 

JOURNALISTS WHO PAID THE PRICE FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE LATE 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, AND EARLY 1990s

INTRO: In November 2022, the Editor of the Star newspaper, Sifiso Mahlangu, allegedly faced an assassination threat by a politician (Mercury Nov 8 2022). This alleged threat highlighted the plight of journalists who are fully committed to the freedom of the Press and freedom of the society in our new post-apartheid and democratic society.  

Mahlangu’s situation merely reminded us that some of the political leaders and political parties today are no different to those of the past who used all kinds of violence, intimidation and harassment to silence journalists who stood their ground against apartheid and minority rule. Mahlangu followed in the footsteps of his predecessors during the apartheid era who sacrificed almost everything for the freedom of the media. In order to honour Mahlangu for his efforts for the freedom of the media, I wrote the following article of the journalists who fought for the freedom of Press especially during the late 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s.

 

 
(Joe Thloloe)

(Mona Badela)

THE ASSASSINATION THREAT AGAINST STAR EDITOR BY A RULING PARTY POLITICIAN REMINDS US OF THE STRUGGLES OF JOURNALISTS DURING THE APARTHEID ERA

 

By Subry Govender

 

When we take a moment or two at this time to observe the situation of the Editor of the Star, Sifiso Mahlangu, it’s crucial to recall the enormous sacrifices and contributions of journalists during the apartheid era in the struggles for a free, non-racial and democratic South Africa.

 I am not going to go back in history but deal primarily with the period when the then National Party introduced all kinds of laws to suppress, oppress, harass and intimidate journalists – especially journalists of colour.

Being colonial and racially driven – the media during this period was mainly concerned with maintaining and retaining white domination of the social, economic and political fabric of South Africa.

(Mateu Nonyane), (Zwelike Sisulu) 

(Subry Govender)

Nearly all newspapers were white owned, controlled, managed and edited – with the exception of one or two minor and insignificant publications – and the National Party monopolised the airwaves in the name of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC).

The apartheid regime, especially under the leadership of John Vorster, Hendrik Verwoerd and P W Botha, had in their arsenal more than 100 statutes that limited the freedom of the Press. The repressive atmosphere really began after the Sharpeville uprisings on March 21 1960 when police shot dead 69 peaceful marchers who were protesting against the carrying of the hateful Dom-Pass.

(Don Mattera)

(Duma Ndlovu)(Isaac Moroe)

The National Party Government introduced a state of emergency and banned the ANC and the PAC and crushed all opposition to white minority rule. Publications such as the New Age, Fighting Talk, Advance and Guardian were forced to close shop and the journalists working in these and other progressive newspapers either had to flee the country or go underground.

During this period of repression, some of the only black-oriented newspapers that were allowed to operate were the Drum magazine and the Golden City Post. Although they reported on some political developments, they were, however, no danger to the existence of the white state.
Being white-owned and managed, these newspapers concentrated on the sensational – sex, crime and gangs and sport – in order to survive. There were some journalists during this period in the 1980s who dared to question the white status quo – but they too were quickly intimidated and forced to flee the country or tone down.

(Rashid Seria)              (Leslie Xinwa)               (Philip Mthimkulu)

In the early 1970s – when the black consciousness movement took root after the establishment of the South African Students Organisation (SAS0) – a number of  journalists came to the fore – prepared to take on the white oppressors irrespective of the consequences. These journalists were primarily working at that time for newspapers such as the World and Weekend World, and socially-conscious journalists working for mainstream newspapers such as the former Rand Daily Mail, the East London Daily Dispatch, the Cape Times and Argus, the Johannesburg Star and the Durban Daily News.

They tried to introduce a new and dynamic approach to journalism by tackling the social, economic, sporting and political oppression of the majority. The struggle for freedom of the Press and the liberty of the people had just started in earnest once again.

(Nat Serache)

But no sooner had  journalists – with a black consciousness background – begun to tackle real and fundamental issues affecting the majority, the apartheid system struck back with a vengeance in 1974 when they banned a Frelimo rally scheduled to be held at Durban’s Currie’s Fountain and prohibited any newspaper coverage of the event.

(Philip Mthimkulu and Subry Govender attending the International Federation of Journalists conference in Nice, France in the November 1980)

As a matter of interest, black consciousness leaders like the late Strini Moodley, Saths Cooper, Aubrey Mokoape and others were charged under the infamous Terrorism Act and as a result of the rally were charged and sentenced to Robben Island.

Further onslaughts against the media began after the 1976 Soweto uprisings. Two months after the uprisings, nine journalists, who played a leading role in reporting events in Soweto, were detained under the regime’s Internal Security Act, and two others were incarcerated under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

                                         (Enoch Duma)

Among the very first to be arrested was Joe Thloloe, who was at that time working for the World Newspaper; Peter Magubane, South Africa’s world-famous photo-journalist who worked at that time for the Rand Daily Mail and Miss Thenjiwe Mntintso, who worked at the Daily Dispatch in East London at that time.

The majority of them were held for about four months without being tried in a court of law. They were released at the end of December 1976 but some were re-arrested in 1977. Joe Thloloe was held incommunicado for 547 days under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

(Duma Ndlovu)

The others were Willie Bokala, a reporter for the banned World newspaper who was held in detention for more than a year; Jan Tugwana, a reporter for the then Rand Daily Mail who was also held in detention for more than a year under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; Ms Juby Mayet, a doyen of journalists who was held incommunicado under the Internal Security Act at the Fort Prison in Johannesburg; Isaac Moroe, the first president of the Writers Association of SA (WASA) in Bloemfontein; Bularo Diphoto, a freelance journalist in the town of Kroonstad who was also detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; and Mateu Nonyane.

Another journalist, Mr Moffat Zungu, who was a reporter for the World Newspaper, was an accused in the Pan African Congress (PAC) trial that took place in Bethal, near Johannesburg. He was first detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

The darkest day in the history of Press Freedom took place on October 19 1977 when the notorious apartheid Minister of Police, Jimmy Kruger, banned the only two newspapers respected among people – the World and Weekend World.

(Rashid Seria, Mike Norton and Juby Mayet)

Mr Kruger, who became infamous for describing Steve Biko’s death two months earlier as – “It leaves me cold” – at the same time banned the Union of Black Journalists (UBJ) and 17 other organisations; the publication of the UBJ – AZIZTHULA; religious and student publications; locked up the editor and news editor of the World and Weekend World – the late Percy Qoboza and the late Aggrey Klaaste respectively; and banned for five years the Editor of the Daily Dispatch, the late Donald Woods.

The regime also raided the offices of the Press Trust of South Africa (PTSA) alternative news agency in Durban and confiscated all its stationery and equipment and seized its funds.

Six other journalists were also detained at this time – including Thenjiwe Mntintso, who became an ANC functionary after 1994 and appointed as an ambassador; and Enoch Duma – who worked for the Star newspaper at that time. He fled into exile after being released after more than two years in detention.

Almost every member of the UBJ was visited by the security police all over the country; their homes and offices raided and searched and interrogated. All the raids were carried out at the unearthly hours of 4am and 5am in the morning. I remember my mother knocking on my door and saying in our Tamil mother tongue: “Some white people are here asking for you.”

(Charles Nqakula)

When representations were made to Mr Kruger for the release of the detained journalists, he had the temerity to announce that the detentions were not meant to intimidate the Press and that his Government had good reasons to detain the journalists.

It was during this traumatic period that another publication of the UBJ, UBJ Bulletin, and all subsequent editions were banned. The UBJ Bulletin contained some revealing articles about the activities of the South African Police during the Soweto uprisings. Four UBJ officials – Juby Mayet, Joe Thloloe, Mike Nkadimeng and  Mike Norton – were charged for producing an undesirable publication.

Inspite of world-wide condemnation of the banning, detention and harassment of journalists, the state security police continued with their jack-boot tactics.

In Durban two Daily News journalists – Wiseman Khuzwayo and Quraish Patel – were detained without trial for more than three months.

(Charles Nqakula, Subry Govender and Philip Mthimkulu at a UBJ conference in Durban in the late 1970s.)

On November 30 1977, the day white South Africa went to the polls to give John Vorster another mandate to continue to oppress the majority, 29  journalists, including Zwelakhe Sisulu and Ms Juby Mayet, staged a march in the centre of Johannesburg against the banning of the UBJ and the detention of journalists. They were detained for the night at the notorious John Vorster Police station and charged under the Riotous Assemblies Act and fined R50 each.

Some of our colleagues who found it impossible to continue to work in South Africa skipped the 

country under trying circumstances. They included Duma Ndhlovu, Nat Serache, Boy Matthews Nonyang and Wiseman Khuzwayo.

(Struggle journalists attending a UBJ conference at the Wentworth Hotel in Durban in early 1977.)

Those who remained – including Juby Mayet, Zwelakhe Sisulu, Philip Mthimkulu, Joe Thloloe, Charles Nqakula, Rashid Seria, this correspondent and many others – vowed to continue the struggle. We committed ourselves in the belief that there could be no Press freedom in South Africa as long as the society in which we lived was not free. But the regime was also determined to make life difficult for us.

In July 1977 when we scheduled to hold a gathering of former UBJ members in Port Elizabeth to chart our future course of action – the regime banned our gathering and prohibited us from travelling to the PE. But being determined to take on the regime head-on we quickly re-scheduled our meeting to be held in the town of Verulam, about 25km north of Durban.

Unknown to us the dreaded Security Police tapped our telephone conversations and had the Starlite Hotel in Verulam bugged. The Security Police were listening to the entire proceedings of our meeting and immediately decided that we were a bunch of “media terrorists” who should be taken out of society.

At our meeting we decided to establish our own daily and weekly newspapers and a news agency because we were of the firm belief that the establishment media was not catering for the  majority. The establishment media of that era, as you have already been informed, was aimed at protecting and promoting the privileges of the minority.

But, sadly we did not have the resources to embark on such ambitious projects. Nevertheless, many of us who became frustrated with the establishment media began to make arrangements for the establishment of regional newspapers that would provide an alternative voice to the mainstream media and the National Party-controlled SABC.

But resistance led to more repression. In June 1980 when school children all over the country boycotted classes against the unequal and inferior education system for children of the majority, the security police once again targeted journalists. They detained many of us for lengthy periods, claiming that the journalists had been encouraging the children to boycott classes.

Zwelakhe Sisulu was during that period of repression detained for nearly two years.
In Durban, Cape Town, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, East London and other centres – black journalists continued to work with the community in an attempt to establish alternative newspapers.

(An article published in an official struggle publication, KWASA, about the bannings of fellow journalists in December 1980 and January 1981.)

In Durban, the Press Trust of South Africa Third World News Agency was established as one of the first moves to provide the outside world with accurate information about the situation in South Africa. The news agency was established to operate alongside the running of the alternative newspaper, Ukusa.

But just when the newspaper was set to start publishing with the blessing of the community, the state struck again and banned its Managing Editor – this correspondent; and also Zwelakhe Sisulu, Joe Thloloe, Philip Mthimkulu, Mathatha Tsedu and Charles Nqakula in December 1980.

This was a massive blow for the alternative media because all the journalists were fully involved in the various projects.

Some of the publications that they were involved in were UKUSA in Durban, Grassroots in Cape Town, Speak in Johannesburg and Umthonyama in Port Elizabeth. The South African Council of Churches also sponsored the publication of a newspaper called The Voice. Philip Mthimkulu and Juby Mayet worked for this newspaper before they were banned.

The journalists in question were put out of circulation for three years until the end of 1983 when their banning orders expired. But during their period of forced exile, the journalists did not remain idle – for instance the Press Trust of South Africa News Agency continued to operate under some trying conditions, intimidation and harassment.

During this period Charles Nqakula skipped the country to join the ANC. Upon his return he served the new government in various positions, including Minister of Defence.

When our banning orders expired, most of us continued where we had left off. In Johannesburg, Zwelakhe Sisulu initiated the establishment of the New Nation newspaper with the assistance of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference; in Cape Town, Rashid Seria initiated the establishment of the South Newspaper; and in other parts of the country many other progressive forces and journalists began to establish alternative publications.

The apartheid regime began another round of repression and during the respective states of emergency, media repression reached a peak. It was a time when the discredited tri-cameral system was in place and the United Democratic Front had captured the imagination of oppressed South Africans.

Most of us – who were in the forefront of the alternative media – were under constant surveillance. For instance during the emergency regulations in 1986 and 1987 – the dreaded security police at that time raided all the alternative newspapers and intimidated the journalists.
The New Nation and the Weekly Mail – two alternative newspapers in Johannesburg – were banned several times from 1986 to 1990.

When peace negotiations began, there was some respite for journalists and the media.

The stand-point taken by Sifiso Mahlangu, Editor of State, is a reminder once again to journalists of today that they must recapture the struggles of the journalists of the era prior to 1994 and commit themselves to promoting media freedom in our new, non-racial and democratic order.

The new era journalists must be on guard all the time. They must remember that a country without a free media is not free at all and this must be communicated to the current people in political power.

(Veteran struggle journalists gather at the home of Zwelike Sisulu in Johannesburg in October 2012 when Zwelike passed away on October 4, 2012.) 

Our first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, repeatedly told us how much he appreciated the work that struggle journalists had done for their freedom and how it was important that media practitioners continued to keep a check on the new politicians. He made it clear that the new politicians are answerable to the citizenry and not the other way round.

What Mandela was saying was that journalists must keep a check on politicians who try to harass, intimidate and use violence in order to curb the freedom of the Press in our new non-racial, democratic and free South Africa. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com Nov 9 2022

 

Courageous Struggle Journalist Subry Govender Publishes Memoir of Resistance and Resolve – a Chronicle of His Anti-Apartheid Battles

 

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NEWS SOUTH AFRICA

 

Courageous Struggle Journalist Subry Govender Publishes Memoir of Resistance and Resolve – a Chronicle of His Anti-Apartheid Battles

10/01/2026

By Special Correspondent:

Veteran Struggle Journalist, Subry Govender. ( Image: supplied)

 

 

Often the story of one individual relating his own life in a particular era becomes the story of the society in which he lived, including that of his fellows during that time – a fact that is expected to come out clearly when former anti-Apartheid activists and struggle era journalists pay tributes and congratulate prolific resistance journalist and activist, 

Marimuthu Soobramoney (aka Subry Govender) is launching his autobiography, ‘Coolie Journalist‘, before the end of this month. Marimuthu Soobramoney was a founder member of the Media Workers Association of South Africa (MWASA) with other struggle journalists such as Zwelakhe Sisulu and others.

‘Comrade Subry’ was a courageous, bold and fearless fighter for justice

In the book, Govender, renowned for his fearless reporting and uncompromising commitment to justice, traces his lifelong dedication to documenting South Africa’s liberation struggle and offers an unflinching account of the sacrifices, courage, and convictions that defined his career.

Already, some of his fellow activists have voiced their impassioned tributes to the man they commonly knew as “Subry” or “Comrade Subry”, highlighting his boldness and fearlessness in pursuit of justice as a news hound and fearless activist during the white apartheid repression era. They described him as a prominent former political and social activist and “a courageous, progressive and fearless” news hound.

Among those who congratulated Govender was Siva Naidoo, a struggle veteran and former top official of the Natal Indian Congress (NIC), United Democratic Front (UDF), Activist Citizens Forum and other anti-apartheid organisations in the 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s. Writing about Govender, Naidoo highlighted his contributions to the freedom struggles through his work as a “struggle journalist”. He wrote that he wanted to add his voice “with conviction and pride” to congratulate Govender on the launch of ‘Coolie Journalist’.

A journalist and political being with a moral compass

In his support of the launch of “Coolie Journalist”, Naidoo said that he first encountered Subry around 1977, shortly after Naidoo was recruited into activist work. “From the outset, it was clear that Subry was not a journalist in the narrow, professionalised sense, but a political being with a moral compass.

“He understood, instinctively and intellectually, that journalism is never neutral in a society structured by injustice.  In times of oppression, silence and false balance serve power; truth serves the people. Subry was, and remains, a progressive struggle journalist in the truest sense of the word — fearless, courageous, and utterly uncompromising.”

Naidoo wrote that as young activists confronting the brute force of apartheid, he and other anti-apartheid activists in general were “inspired by his reporting because it did more than inform; it exposed, challenged and mobilised”.

Chipping away at apartheid legacy – piece by piece

“His words chipped away at the legitimacy of an illegitimate system, one story at a time. He was well known to the NIC and UDF leadership, and later, after the unbanning of the ANC, to the political leadership of KwaZulu-Natal and South Africa. This was not because he sought proximity to power, but because power knew it was being watched. That distinction matters — then and now.

“Today, South Africa faces a different but no less dangerous conundrum. Political freedom has not translated into social or economic justice. Corruption, state capture, patronage networks and the erosion of ethical leadership threaten to hollow out our hard-won democracy.”

Naidoo added that in this context, “journalists who interrogated power rather than echo it were not a luxury — they were essential to democratic survival.” In this regard, he wrote that “Subry’s life reminds us that press freedom is not secured once and for all”. Press freedom, he said, must be defended constantly, especially when power becomes impatient with accountability and hostile to scrutiny. The banning order and harassment Subry endured under apartheid were crude and overt. Today, repression is often subtler — through intimidation, co-option, economic pressure, political favour and the normalisation of mediocrity. Yet the intent remains the same: to mute critical voices.”

Subry’s journalism was rooted in community struggle, amplifying the voiceless voices

“I recall Subry interviewing me at my home in Watsonia, Tongaat, during his time at the SABC when I founded the Activist Citizens Forum. That interview symbolised what ethical journalism looks like: rooted in community struggle, alert to power dynamics, and committed to amplifying voices from below rather than sanitising narratives from above.

 “Subry’s trust was earned, not assumed. His integrity was not situational. He never abandoned principle for access, nor traded truth for comfort. In an era where too many have crossed the line from journalism into public relations for the powerful, Subry stands as a rebuke. He continues to speak truth to power, not as an outsider throwing stones, but as a patriot who understands that loyalty to country means holding it to account. That is why he remains respected across political generations — even when he is an inconvenient,” Naidoo wrote.

Not just a memoir, but a warning and call to action

According to Naidoo, the “Coolie Journalist” book was, therefore, not merely a memoir. It is a warning and a call to action. “It reminds us that democracy without a fearless, progressive media will inevitably decay. It urges a new generation of journalists to choose courage over compliance, ethics over expediency, and the people over power.

“Subry Govender is one of our unsung heroes — not because he sought recognition, but because he chose resistance when compliance was easier. The best way we can honour him is to read this book, to ensure that the lessons of the past inform our present struggles, and to recommit ourselves to defending media freedom as a non-negotiable pillar of democracy. His words remain as repellent to injustice today as they were when the chips were down in our beautiful country. And that is precisely why they matter — now more than ever.”

Govender’s ‘Coolie Journalist’ would be launched at the Umhlanga Apart-Hotel (60 Meridian Drive, Umhlanga) on January 25 at 11 am. Former colleagues, comrades, friends and family members are geared to attend the launch. Another launch is envisaged to take place in Johannesburg later. Subry could be reached here for those interested in knowing more about the book and the launches. – @NewsSA_Online

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 Posted in Culture

 Tagged in MWASA, NIC, SABC, UDF