Monday, April 27, 2026
Monday, March 9, 2026
JOURNALISTS WHO PAID THE PRICE FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE LATE 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, AND EARLY 1990s
(Joe Thloloe)
When
we take a moment or two at this time to observe the situation of the Editor of
the Star, Sifiso Mahlangu, it’s crucial to recall the enormous sacrifices and
contributions of journalists during the apartheid era in the struggles for a
free, non-racial and democratic South Africa.
I am not going to go back in history but deal
primarily with the period when the then National Party introduced all kinds of
laws to suppress, oppress, harass and intimidate journalists – especially
journalists of colour.
Being colonial and racially
driven – the media during this period was mainly concerned with maintaining and
retaining white domination of the social, economic and political fabric of
South Africa.
(Mateu Nonyane), (Zwelike Sisulu)
Nearly all newspapers were white owned, controlled, managed and edited – with the exception of one or two minor and insignificant publications – and the National Party monopolised the airwaves in the name of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC).
The apartheid regime,
especially under the leadership of John Vorster, Hendrik Verwoerd and P W
Botha, had in their arsenal more than 100 statutes that limited the freedom of
the Press. The repressive atmosphere really began after the Sharpeville
uprisings on March 21 1960 when police shot dead 69 peaceful marchers who were
protesting against the carrying of the hateful Dom-Pass.
(Don Mattera)
The National Party
Government introduced a state of emergency and banned the ANC and the PAC and
crushed all opposition to white minority rule. Publications such as the New
Age, Fighting Talk, Advance and Guardian were forced to close shop and the
journalists working in these and other progressive newspapers either had to
flee the country or go underground.
During this period of
repression, some of the only black-oriented newspapers that were allowed to
operate were the Drum magazine and the Golden City Post. Although they reported
on some political developments, they were, however, no danger to the existence
of the white state.
Being white-owned and managed, these newspapers concentrated on the sensational
– sex, crime and gangs and sport – in order to survive. There were some
journalists during this period in the 1980s who dared to question the white
status quo – but they too were quickly intimidated and forced to flee the
country or tone down.
(Rashid Seria) (Leslie Xinwa) (Philip Mthimkulu)
In the early 1970s – when
the black consciousness movement took root after the establishment of the South
African Students Organisation (SAS0) – a number of journalists came to the fore – prepared to
take on the white oppressors irrespective of the consequences. These
journalists were primarily working at that time for newspapers such as the
World and Weekend World, and socially-conscious journalists working for
mainstream newspapers such as the former Rand Daily Mail, the East London Daily
Dispatch, the Cape Times and Argus, the Johannesburg Star and the Durban Daily
News.
They tried to introduce a
new and dynamic approach to journalism by tackling the social, economic,
sporting and political oppression of the majority. The struggle for freedom of
the Press and the liberty of the people had just started in earnest once again.
But no sooner had journalists – with a black consciousness
background – begun to tackle real and fundamental issues affecting the
majority, the apartheid system struck back with a vengeance in 1974 when they banned
a Frelimo rally scheduled to be held at Durban’s Currie’s Fountain and
prohibited any newspaper coverage of the event.
(Philip Mthimkulu and Subry Govender attending the International Federation of Journalists conference in Nice, France in the November 1980)
As a matter of interest,
black consciousness leaders like the late Strini Moodley, Saths Cooper, Aubrey
Mokoape and others were charged under the infamous Terrorism Act and as a
result of the rally were charged and sentenced to Robben Island.
Further onslaughts against
the media began after the 1976 Soweto uprisings. Two months after the
uprisings, nine journalists, who played a leading role in reporting events in
Soweto, were detained under the regime’s Internal Security Act, and two others
were incarcerated under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.
Among the very first to be
arrested was Joe Thloloe, who was at that time working for the World Newspaper;
Peter Magubane, South Africa’s world-famous photo-journalist who worked at that
time for the Rand Daily Mail and Miss Thenjiwe Mntintso, who worked at the
Daily Dispatch in East London at that time.
The majority of them were
held for about four months without being tried in a court of law. They were
released at the end of December 1976 but some were re-arrested in 1977. Joe
Thloloe was held incommunicado for 547 days under Section 6 of the Terrorism
Act.
The others were Willie
Bokala, a reporter for the banned World newspaper who was held in detention for
more than a year; Jan Tugwana, a reporter for the then Rand Daily Mail who was
also held in detention for more than a year under Section 6 of the Terrorism
Act; Ms Juby Mayet, a doyen of journalists who was held incommunicado under the
Internal Security Act at the Fort Prison in Johannesburg; Isaac Moroe, the
first president of the Writers Association of SA (WASA) in Bloemfontein; Bularo
Diphoto, a freelance journalist in the town of Kroonstad who was also detained
under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; and Mateu Nonyane.
Another journalist, Mr
Moffat Zungu, who was a reporter for the World Newspaper, was an accused in the
Pan African Congress (PAC) trial that took place in Bethal, near Johannesburg.
He was first detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.
The darkest day in the
history of Press Freedom took place on October 19 1977 when the notorious
apartheid Minister of Police, Jimmy Kruger, banned the only two newspapers
respected among people – the World and Weekend World.
Mr Kruger, who became
infamous for describing Steve Biko’s death two months earlier as – “It leaves
me cold” – at the same time banned the Union of Black Journalists (UBJ) and 17
other organisations; the publication of the UBJ – AZIZTHULA; religious and
student publications; locked up the editor and news editor of the World and
Weekend World – the late Percy Qoboza and the late Aggrey Klaaste respectively;
and banned for five years the Editor of the Daily Dispatch, the late Donald
Woods.
The regime also raided the
offices of the Press Trust of South Africa (PTSA) alternative news agency in
Durban and confiscated all its stationery and equipment and seized its funds.
Six other journalists were
also detained at this time – including Thenjiwe Mntintso, who became an ANC
functionary after 1994 and appointed as an ambassador; and Enoch Duma – who
worked for the Star newspaper at that time. He fled into exile after being
released after more than two years in detention.
Almost every member of the
UBJ was visited by the security police all over the country; their homes and
offices raided and searched and interrogated. All the raids were carried out at
the unearthly hours of 4am and 5am in the morning. I remember my mother knocking
on my door and saying in our Tamil mother tongue: “Some white people are here
asking for you.”
When representations were
made to Mr Kruger for the release of the detained journalists, he had the
temerity to announce that the detentions were not meant to intimidate the Press
and that his Government had good reasons to detain the journalists.
It was during this
traumatic period that another publication of the UBJ, UBJ Bulletin, and all
subsequent editions were banned. The UBJ Bulletin contained some revealing
articles about the activities of the South African Police during the Soweto
uprisings. Four UBJ officials – Juby Mayet, Joe Thloloe, Mike Nkadimeng
and Mike Norton – were charged for
producing an undesirable publication.
Inspite of world-wide
condemnation of the banning, detention and harassment of journalists, the state
security police continued with their jack-boot tactics.
In Durban two Daily News
journalists – Wiseman Khuzwayo and Quraish Patel – were detained without trial
for more than three months.
On November 30 1977, the
day white South Africa went to the polls to give John Vorster another mandate
to continue to oppress the majority, 29
journalists, including Zwelakhe Sisulu and Ms Juby Mayet, staged a march
in the centre of Johannesburg against the banning of the UBJ and the detention
of journalists. They were detained for the night at the notorious John Vorster
Police station and charged under the Riotous Assemblies Act and fined R50 each.
Some of our colleagues who found it impossible to continue to work in South Africa skipped the
country under trying circumstances. They included Duma Ndhlovu, Nat Serache, Boy Matthews Nonyang and Wiseman Khuzwayo.
(Struggle journalists attending a UBJ conference at the Wentworth Hotel in Durban in early 1977.)
Those who remained –
including Juby Mayet, Zwelakhe Sisulu, Philip Mthimkulu, Joe Thloloe, Charles
Nqakula, Rashid Seria, this correspondent and many others – vowed to continue
the struggle. We committed ourselves in the belief that there could be no Press
freedom in South Africa as long as the society in which we lived was not free.
But the regime was also determined to make life difficult for us.
In July 1977 when we
scheduled to hold a gathering of former UBJ members in Port Elizabeth to chart
our future course of action – the regime banned our gathering and prohibited us
from travelling to the PE. But being determined to take on the regime head-on
we quickly re-scheduled our meeting to be held in the town of Verulam, about
25km north of Durban.
Unknown to us the dreaded
Security Police tapped our telephone conversations and had the Starlite Hotel
in Verulam bugged. The Security Police were listening to the entire proceedings
of our meeting and immediately decided that we were a bunch of “media
terrorists” who should be taken out of society.
At our meeting we decided
to establish our own daily and weekly newspapers and a news agency because we
were of the firm belief that the establishment media was not catering for
the majority. The establishment media of
that era, as you have already been informed, was aimed at protecting and
promoting the privileges of the minority.
But, sadly we did not have
the resources to embark on such ambitious projects. Nevertheless, many of us
who became frustrated with the establishment media began to make arrangements
for the establishment of regional newspapers that would provide an alternative
voice to the mainstream media and the National Party-controlled SABC.
But resistance led to more
repression. In June 1980 when school children all over the country boycotted
classes against the unequal and inferior education system for children of the
majority, the security police once again targeted journalists. They detained
many of us for lengthy periods, claiming that the journalists had been
encouraging the children to boycott classes.
Zwelakhe Sisulu was during
that period of repression detained for nearly two years.
In Durban, Cape Town, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, East London and other
centres – black journalists continued to work with the community in an attempt
to establish alternative newspapers.
(An article published in an official struggle publication, KWASA, about the bannings of fellow journalists in December 1980 and January 1981.)
In Durban, the Press Trust
of South Africa Third World News Agency was established as one of the first
moves to provide the outside world with accurate information about the
situation in South Africa. The news agency was established to operate alongside
the running of the alternative newspaper, Ukusa.
But just when the newspaper
was set to start publishing with the blessing of the community, the state
struck again and banned its Managing Editor – this correspondent; and also
Zwelakhe Sisulu, Joe Thloloe, Philip Mthimkulu, Mathatha Tsedu and Charles
Nqakula in December 1980.
This was a massive blow for
the alternative media because all the journalists were fully involved in the
various projects.
Some of the publications
that they were involved in were UKUSA in Durban, Grassroots in Cape Town, Speak
in Johannesburg and Umthonyama in Port Elizabeth. The South African Council of
Churches also sponsored the publication of a newspaper called The Voice. Philip
Mthimkulu and Juby Mayet worked for this newspaper before they were banned.
The journalists in question
were put out of circulation for three years until the end of 1983 when their
banning orders expired. But during their period of forced exile, the
journalists did not remain idle – for instance the Press Trust of South Africa
News Agency continued to operate under some trying conditions, intimidation and
harassment.
During this period Charles Nqakula
skipped the country to join the ANC. Upon his return he served the new
government in various positions, including Minister of Defence.
When our banning orders
expired, most of us continued where we had left off. In Johannesburg, Zwelakhe
Sisulu initiated the establishment of the New Nation newspaper with the
assistance of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference; in Cape Town,
Rashid Seria initiated the establishment of the South Newspaper; and in other
parts of the country many other progressive forces and journalists began to
establish alternative publications.
The apartheid regime began
another round of repression and during the respective states of emergency,
media repression reached a peak. It was a time when the discredited tri-cameral
system was in place and the United Democratic Front had captured the
imagination of oppressed South Africans.
Most of us – who were in
the forefront of the alternative media – were under constant surveillance. For
instance during the emergency regulations in 1986 and 1987 – the dreaded
security police at that time raided all the alternative newspapers and
intimidated the journalists.
The New Nation and the Weekly Mail – two alternative newspapers in Johannesburg
– were banned several times from 1986 to 1990.
When peace negotiations
began, there was some respite for journalists and the media.
The stand-point taken by
Sifiso Mahlangu, Editor of State, is a reminder once again to journalists of
today that they must recapture the struggles of the journalists of the era
prior to 1994 and commit themselves to promoting media freedom in our new,
non-racial and democratic order.
The new era journalists
must be on guard all the time. They must remember that a country without a free
media is not free at all and this must be communicated to the current people in
political power.
Our first democratic
president, Nelson Mandela, repeatedly told us how much he appreciated the work
that struggle journalists had done for their freedom and how it was important
that media practitioners continued to keep a check on the new politicians. He
made it clear that the new politicians are answerable to the citizenry and not
the other way round.
What Mandela was saying was
that journalists must keep a check on politicians who try to harass, intimidate
and use violence in order to curb the freedom of the Press in our new
non-racial, democratic and free South Africa. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com Nov 9 2022
Friday, February 20, 2026
Courageous Struggle Journalist Subry Govender Publishes Memoir of Resistance and Resolve – a Chronicle of His Anti-Apartheid Battles
NNNEWS
SOUTH Contact Us
NEWS SOUTH
AFRICA
Courageous
Struggle Journalist Subry Govender Publishes Memoir of Resistance and Resolve –
a Chronicle of His Anti-Apartheid Battles
10/01/2026
By Special Correspondent:
Veteran Struggle Journalist, Subry Govender. (
Image: supplied)
Often the story of one individual
relating his own life in a particular era becomes the story of the society in
which he lived, including that of his fellows during that time – a fact that is
expected to come out clearly when former anti-Apartheid activists and struggle
era journalists pay tributes and congratulate prolific resistance journalist
and activist,
Marimuthu Soobramoney (aka Subry
Govender) is launching his autobiography, ‘Coolie Journalist‘,
before the end of this month. Marimuthu Soobramoney was a founder member of the
Media Workers Association of South Africa (MWASA) with other struggle
journalists such as Zwelakhe Sisulu and others.
‘Comrade Subry’ was a courageous,
bold and fearless fighter for justice
In the book, Govender, renowned for
his fearless reporting and uncompromising commitment to justice, traces his
lifelong dedication to documenting South Africa’s liberation struggle and
offers an unflinching account of the sacrifices, courage, and convictions that
defined his career.
Already, some of his fellow activists
have voiced their impassioned tributes to the man they commonly knew as “Subry”
or “Comrade Subry”, highlighting his boldness and fearlessness in pursuit of
justice as a news hound and fearless activist during the white apartheid
repression era. They described him as a prominent former political and social
activist and “a courageous, progressive and fearless” news hound.
Among those who congratulated
Govender was Siva Naidoo, a struggle veteran and former top official of the
Natal Indian Congress (NIC), United Democratic Front (UDF), Activist Citizens
Forum and other anti-apartheid organisations in the 1970s, 1980s and early
1990s. Writing about Govender, Naidoo highlighted his contributions to the
freedom struggles through his work as a “struggle journalist”. He wrote that he
wanted to add his voice “with conviction and pride” to congratulate Govender on
the launch of ‘Coolie Journalist’.
A journalist and political being with
a moral compass
In his support of the launch of
“Coolie Journalist”, Naidoo said that he first encountered Subry around 1977,
shortly after Naidoo was recruited into activist work. “From the outset, it was
clear that Subry was not a journalist in the narrow, professionalised sense,
but a political being with a moral compass.
“He understood, instinctively and
intellectually, that journalism is never neutral in a society structured by
injustice. In times of oppression, silence and false balance serve power;
truth serves the people. Subry was, and remains, a progressive struggle
journalist in the truest sense of the word — fearless, courageous, and utterly
uncompromising.”
Naidoo wrote that as young activists
confronting the brute force of apartheid, he and other anti-apartheid activists
in general were “inspired by his reporting because it did more than inform; it
exposed, challenged and mobilised”.
Chipping away at apartheid legacy –
piece by piece
“His words chipped away at the
legitimacy of an illegitimate system, one story at a time. He was well known to
the NIC and UDF leadership, and later, after the unbanning of the ANC, to the
political leadership of KwaZulu-Natal and South Africa. This was not because he
sought proximity to power, but because power knew it was being watched. That
distinction matters — then and now.
“Today, South Africa faces a
different but no less dangerous conundrum. Political freedom has not translated
into social or economic justice. Corruption, state capture, patronage networks
and the erosion of ethical leadership threaten to hollow out our hard-won
democracy.”
Naidoo added that in this context,
“journalists who interrogated power rather than echo it were not a luxury —
they were essential to democratic survival.” In this regard, he wrote that
“Subry’s life reminds us that press freedom is not secured once and for all”.
Press freedom, he said, must be defended constantly, especially when power
becomes impatient with accountability and hostile to scrutiny. The banning
order and harassment Subry endured under apartheid were crude and overt. Today,
repression is often subtler — through intimidation, co-option, economic
pressure, political favour and the normalisation of mediocrity. Yet the intent
remains the same: to mute critical voices.”
Subry’s journalism was rooted in
community struggle, amplifying the voiceless voices
“I recall Subry interviewing me at my
home in Watsonia, Tongaat, during his time at the SABC when I founded the Activist
Citizens Forum. That interview symbolised what ethical journalism looks like:
rooted in community struggle, alert to power dynamics, and committed to
amplifying voices from below rather than sanitising narratives from above.
“Subry’s trust was earned, not
assumed. His integrity was not situational. He never abandoned principle for
access, nor traded truth for comfort. In an era where too many have crossed the
line from journalism into public relations for the powerful, Subry stands as a
rebuke. He continues to speak truth to power, not as an outsider throwing
stones, but as a patriot who understands that loyalty to country means holding
it to account. That is why he remains respected across political generations —
even when he is an inconvenient,” Naidoo wrote.
Not just a memoir, but a warning and
call to action
According to Naidoo, the “Coolie
Journalist” book was, therefore, not merely a memoir. It is a warning and a
call to action. “It reminds us that democracy without a fearless, progressive
media will inevitably decay. It urges a new generation of journalists to choose
courage over compliance, ethics over expediency, and the people over power.
“Subry Govender is one of our unsung
heroes — not because he sought recognition, but because he chose resistance
when compliance was easier. The best way we can honour him is to read this
book, to ensure that the lessons of the past inform our present struggles, and
to recommit ourselves to defending media freedom as a non-negotiable pillar of
democracy. His words remain as repellent to injustice today as they were when
the chips were down in our beautiful country. And that is precisely why they
matter — now more than ever.”
Govender’s ‘Coolie Journalist’ would
be launched at the Umhlanga Apart-Hotel (60 Meridian Drive, Umhlanga) on
January 25 at 11 am. Former colleagues, comrades, friends and family members
are geared to attend the launch. Another launch is envisaged to take place in
Johannesburg later. Subry could be reached here for
those interested in knowing more about the book and the launches. – @NewsSA_Online
Posted in Culture
Subry Govender covering the funeral of President Nelson Mandela in Qunu in the Eastern Cape
on December 15 2013
Banned, detained, undeterred: Subry Govender's
journey as a struggle journalist
Story by Nadia Khan
• 6d •
8 min read
AT age 79, VETERAN
journalist Marimuthu Subramoney, also known as 'Subry Govender', has documented
South Africa's struggle against apartheid despite surveillance, detention, and
banning orders.
In his new
autobiography 'C***ie Journalist', Subramoney, recounts how his humble
beginnings led to a career giving voice to the oppressed, covering Nelson
Mandela's release and presidency, and becoming a target of the security police.
His story reveals
the critical role journalists played in fighting for South Africa's freedom.
Indentured history
Subramoney, who
lives in Umdloti, said he was a third generation indentured descendant from his
maternal family.
His maternal
great-grandparents, who were from a village in Tamil Nadu, in India, arrived in
South Africa in the early 1880s.
“When they came to
Natal, they worked at the Blackburn Sugar Estate, near Mount Edgecombe. After
their 10 year indentureship they were recruited to work for a white family and
moved to Ladysmith - with their two daughters; my grandmother and her
sister."
He said during this
time, his family experienced a traumatic incident. His grandmother and her
sister nearly lost their lives after they were washed down a flooded river.
They were saved by a man who was passing by and noticed the young girls in
trouble. He jumped into the fast-flowing waters and saved them from drowning.
“However, after the
ordeal, the family returned to Natal, and lived in the Congella Barracks,
before moving to Clairwood. At around the age of 11, my grandmother was married
and had 14 children, of which 11 survived. My mother, Salatchi, was one of six
daughters.”
Subramoney said his
paternal great-grandparents were also indentured labourers.
“They lived in the
Magazine Barracks, and later moved to Cato Manor. My father, Subramoney Munien
was one of nine children. My parents' marriage was arranged, and they settled
in Cato Manor. My father worked as a labourer, while my mother worked as a
domestic helper. She later worked as a machinist for a clothing factory,” he
said.
Childhood
Subramoney, who was
born on December 15 in 1946, said the family moved from Cato Manor to Isipingo
when he was still quite young.
“At that time, it
was just my elder sister and I. Our entire family lived in a small room, there
was no space. So we moved to Isipingo. Later on, our other five siblings were
born.
“I have some very
fond memories of growing up in Isipingo. We used to play soccer on the grounds,
or go fishing and swimming in the river. We had hours of fun, even though we
did not have much, we enjoyed life.
“When I was about
nine years old we moved to Munn Road in Ottawa. Those were the best days of my
childhood. We experienced the real sense of the term, community. We were not
neighbours. We were a family. The community took a great interest in looking
after one another. One of the best memories is celebrating each other's
festivals, be it Christmas, Deepavali or Diwali, and Eid. We always spent those
special days together,” he said.
Subramoney said as
a child he also worked on a sugar estate, which sparked his passion to be a
voice for others.
“During the school
holidays, my father said he did not want me to sit at home and do nothing. He
said I should try to find a job. I was in Standard eight at the time. My two
friends and I found jobs as cane weeders at a sugar estate in Ottawa. I
remember on the third day, we heard the supervisor shouting at some of the
women. I could not understand why he was doing that, so I went up to him and
asked him.
“He started shouting
at me, and asked who I was to question him. I asked him why he could not speak
to them decently, to which he responded that if I did not want to work there,
then I must get out. I did not think twice, I left, and so did my friends. From
then, I noticed the difference in the way people were treated. I did not like
it, and neither was I going to stand for it,” he said.
Education
Subramoney said he
attended Isipingo Primary School from Class one to Standard three. When the
family moved to Ottawa, he attended Jhugroo Primary School from Standard two to
six.
He went on to
complete his matric at Verulam High School in 1965.
Subramoney said it
was during history lessons that he learnt about the oppression in the country,
and the impact on its citizens.
“My history
teachers used to speak a lot about the situation in the country. I didn’t
understand the gravity of it at that point, but things that happened later on
would spark my interest in pursuing a career where I could be a voice for those
that were being impacted, even as far as sharing them with news outlets abroad,
which would later land me in hot water with the security police.”
He also enjoyed
playing cricket and soccer.
“I played for the
school team, and for a local club.”
Career
Due to his parents
being unable to afford to pay for his further studies, he decided to get a job.
“I wanted to study
for a Bachelor of Arts degree, but due to the lack of finances, it was not
possible for me, so I got a job as a clerk for an insurance company. However,
during this time I was also working as a freelance-journalist, writing sport
and community news articles for the Daily News and the then-Golden City POST.
“However, after
about three years I was fired after I had written an article and submitted it
for publishing in the company’s magazine. The article was focused on 'why was
motor insurance for whites cheaper than for blacks?'.
“Shortly after
submitting the article, and before it could be published, my manager called me
aside, and asked why I was causing problems in the office. I was then fired.
“I started working
at another insurance company shortly after. However, just a short while into
the job, I received a call from the news editor of the Daily News. He told me
there was an opportunity for me to work as a full-time journalist. I
immediately put in my resignation, and joined the Daily News in 1973,” he said.
Subramoney said he
soon became a target of the security police.
“I was writing on
non-racial sport and politics, as well as the impact of apartheid on citizens.
The security police were not happy, and even inquired from my white colleagues,
‘Who is this C***ie journalist?’. They made my life difficult. They tapped my
phone and monitored my correspondence such as letters received. They even
raided my house and desk at the office. I was subjected to ongoing harassment
and intimidation. I was also detained for six days after writing an article
about school boycotts.”
Subramoney said
during this time he was also working as a foreign correspondent for various
radio stations including BBC, Radio Deutsche Welle, Radio Netherlands and Radio
France Internationale, as well as the Press Trust of India, a news agency.
During this time,
he played an instrumental role in the formation of the Union of Black
Journalists.
“It was founded
after the Soweto Uprising in 1976. However, we were banned a year later.”
After he left the
Daily News in 1980, he embarked on a new project, the establishment of a
newspaper, Ukusa.
“I was working with
prominent anti-apartheid leaders to establish a Black newspaper. However, in
December 1980, I received a three-year banning order and was put under house
arrest. They did not like that I was working as a foreign correspondent. I was
'painting a bad picture' of the government in South Africa.”
Subramoney said
during this time, he completed his Bachelor of Arts degree, majoring in
political science and international relations.
He also established
the Press Trust of South Africa, an independent news agency.
Subramoney said
after the banning order was lifted after two-and-a-half years, he began working
again as a foreign correspondent.
“I was working even
harder for the BBC and radio stations around the world, from the US to Canada,
Australia, and Singapore, among other places. I was their official
correspondent in South Africa from 1983 to 1994,” he said.
Subramoney said he
was approached by the SABC to be their senior political correspondent in 1994.
He held the
position until his retirement in 2010.
He thereafter
returned to being a foreign correspondent for international media outlets,
mainly Radio Deutsche Welle until 2023, when he retired from the media
industry.
Highlights
“During my career, I
covered the release of Nelson Mandela, to him being elected as president, and
later his visit to India. I had the opportunity to interview him. I covered his
death, travelling from Durban to Johannesburg, and then to his hometown. I also
covered former president Thabo Mbheki’s visit to India.
“I had the
opportunity to interview some great people such as the now late anti-apartheid
activists, Fatima Meer for her 80th birthday, and Ahmed Kathrada upon his
release from prison. I travelled to Mozambique when the South African and
Mozambican government entered a truce, and signed a treaty not to attack each
other. These are some of the highlights throughout my career, ” he said.
Challenges
As a
struggle-journalist, he faced many challenges.
“There were several
incidents. After I completed my studies, I was offered a two-year scholarship
to do my postgraduate studies at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland. I was
denied my passport for 10 years. The South African government refused to give
it to me as I was a 'C***ie journalist that supplied overseas people with news
about South Africa, which discredited the government'. I was also offered a
one-year contract at Radio Deutsche Welle but could not go. There were many
opportunities that I missed out on because I spoke to the truth.
“However, it did
not deter me, instead, it motivated me to work harder, and keep highlighting
the conditions under which people lived. I wanted to ensure that as a
journalist, I worked in such a way that helped the people. I believe I achieved
that in my career."
Autobiography
Subramoney said he
was inspired to write his autobiography to showcase the important role
journalists played during apartheid.
“We ensured that we
highlighted what was happening in the country; the harsh reality of what people
faced. I felt that would be something that the younger generation should read
and learn about so they know the sacrifices that were made. It was not easy for
us; we endured a lot.
“I am now working
on another book which is a compilation of the interviews I have done with
people who fought for the freedom enjoyed today,” he said.
Message for
journalists
Subramoney said
media freedom in the new democracy should not be tampered with.
“Without freedom of
speech and freedom of the media, democracy would not survive in the new South
Africa. This is the legacy that I would like to leave behind for journalists. I
also hope to inspire them to make a contribution to social, political and
economic development which will make a difference for the better in the lives
of the people and society.”
Family
He is married to
Thyna Subramoney for the past 52 years, and they have three children; Kennedy
Subramoney, 51; Seshini Naidoo, 48; and Nomzamo Zondi Subramoney, 35. They have
seven grandchildren.
Relaxation
Subramoney said he
enjoyed playing golf three days a week and travelling. His next trip would be
to Malaysia and India.
Provided by
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