THE BATTLES TO GET WINDSOR PARK GOLF COURSE OPEN TO ALL GOLFERS IN THE 1970s By Subry Govender

Twenty-six years into the new democratic and non-racial South Africa, many of us take the playing of a round of golf for granted. Today we can just telephone any golf course and make a booking to enjoy the game. As long as you can pay the exhorbitant green fees, there will be no problems to play at Royal Durban, Durban Country Club, Mount Edgecombe, Selbourne, and other golf courses in KwaZulu-Natal or around the country. But how many of us know about the struggles by black golfers and black golfing officials in the Durban area to utilise the municipal Windsor Park golf course prior to 1990? How many of us recall the relentless battles that the black golfing fraternity had to take up since the early 1970s to get the former all-white Durban municipality to allow black golfers to also play at Windsor Park?

In this struggle the black golfing officials did find some support among a few councillors. But they too were not only given the thumbs down by the majority of their fellow white councillors and officials but were also ordered by the former National Party Government at that time to “toe the line”. I found this state of affairs while researching through my files of the social, sporting and political stories that I had written while working for the Durban Daily News between the early 1970s to the end of 1980. One the first articles I wrote about the struggles by black golfers was in April 1975 after the white Durban City Council’s Policy and Finance Committee adopted a resolution to prohibit blacks from using Windsor Park municipal golf course. COUNCIL EXCUSE SLAMMED I spoke to Mr George Singh, who was one of the top anti-apartheid sports and political leaders at that time. He was also the chairman of the Durban Golf Club, whose members used to play at the 9-hole Springfield Golf Course at that time. Mr Singh and his officials found that the 9-hole golf course was not good enough as a sporting facility and that they would face being without a golf course because Springfield was being developed as an industrial area. They also found that the Durban City Council’s move to build a new golf course near Reservoir Hills would take some time. I wrote the story and it was published under the headline, “Council excuse slammed”, on April 15 1975.

Mr Singh, who used to operate from an office in the former Grey Street area of Durban, told me that the decision of the city’s Policy and Finance Committee to exclude blacks from the Windsor Park golf course was more “a racialistic one than anything else”. He said the excuse that the golf course was being used “to more than capacity” over weekends and public holidays was a lame and evasive one. He said Windsor Park was never full even before October 4 1974 when the notice restricting the course to whites only was published. The attendance records at the course, he said, would prove that it was not being used to capacity. “The Policy and Finance Committee has shirked its responsibility and moral obligations to the voiceless and voteless black citizens of Durban, who also contribute substantially to the city coffers. “The proposed golf course in New Germany Road will take at least six years to establish. In the meantime black talent, especially our juniors, will continue to be doomed to the wilderness. “It will shock all citizens of Durban, black and white, to know that there is not a single 18-hole course in Natal for the black people. “The lack of a decent golf course means that we will have to continue to use, the ‘mini’ nine-hole golf course at Springfield,” he said. Mr Singh said the decision of the Policy and Finance Committee “leaves a bitter taste in the mouth” and hoped that the city councillors would take up the matter further. He said: “I want to appeal to the city councillors to fight our cause because some of them have already supported the idea of the Windsor Park golf course being used by black golfers.” PLEA TO MAYOR FOR OPEN GOLF COURSE

Mr Singh had only a month earlier had led a four-person delegation of the Durban Golf Club on March 7 1975 to hold talks with the Mayor at that time, Mr A D Adams, about opening the Windsor Park golf course to all golfers. The delegation also comprised Mr R Lutchman, president; Dr R R Human and Mr Bennie Naidoo. The interview was granted after the black golfers had battled for six months to get the restrictions lifted. The story under the headline, “Plea to Mayor for ‘open’ golf course”, was published on the same day, March 7 1975. Mr Singh had told me that black golfers were allowed to use the Windsor Park under severe restrictions until September 1974. He said the Durban Golf Club had written several letters to the council requesting the removal of the restrictions but “after receiving unsatisfactory replies we wrote direct to the Mayor and he has consented to meet us”. He said Windsor Park was maintained through rates contributed by all ratepayers, blacks and whites. He said the council should not hesitate to open the course to all because there were no other 18-hole golf courses open to black golfers.

WINDSOR COURSE: OUTCRY AT NO BLACKS RULING

Mr Singh’s call to councillors to support their cause drew positive responses from at least five councillors. They were the former Mayor, Mrs Margaret Maytom, Mr Bill Medwin, Mr Sydney Smith, Mr Carl Haupt and Mr Peter Brytenbach. I spoke to the councillors and this story was published under the headline: “Windsor course: Outcry at no blacks ruling” on April 16 1975. Mrs Maytom told me that she could not understand why people were not prepared to share the amenities and facilities of the city. “We must all learn to live in peace and harmony and a golf course is one place where peace and harmony can be achieved. “Sport is one aspect where good race relations can be created,” she told me. Mr Smith, for his part, told me that the decision of the Policy and Finance Committee was a blunder of the first order. “At this stage and at this moment in our history it is shocking we are not prepared to share the city’s facilities with all race groups.” In another development, the leader of the then United Party in Natal, Senator Eric Winchester, also came out in support of Mr Singh and the anti-apartheid leaders in their struggles to get Windsor Park open to all golfers.

OPEN GOLF COURSE TO ALL, SAYS WINCHESTER

I spoke to him and the story was published under the headline, “Open golf course to all, says Winchester”, was published on July 22 1977. Mr Winchester told me that Windsor Park should be shared by all ratepayers, irrespective of race, colour or creed. The United Party leader came out in support of the campaign when told that more than 150 golfers, including Papwa Sewgolum and Daddy Naidoo, would be without a golf course in 18 months’ time when the Railways expropriate the current 9-hole course being used by the Durban Golf Club at Springfield. He said all facilities and amenities should be shared by all ratepayers. If this was not done then it would be completely immoral and unjust. He said: “If the authorities are unable to provide equal facilities, then the facilities that exist must be shared all communities. There can be no excuse for doing anything else.”

MIXED GOLF AT WINDSOR PARK REFUSED

But the National Party government at that time was not prepared to listen to any reason from black anti-apartheid sports administrators, some of the white councillors and the opposition United Party. About a year later in December 1977, the Department of Sport had rejected an application by the Durban Municipality for Windsor Park to become a multi-racial venue. I wrote the story and this was published under the headline, “Mixed Golf at Windsor Park refused”, on December 13 1977. The Secretary for Sport, Mr Beyers Hoek, informed the council that an application for Windsor Park to become multi-racial could not be granted. Mr Hoek also said for black golfers to use Windsor Park on certain days of the week could also not be considered.

Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com July 31 2020

PASSENGER TRAIN APARTHEID DURING THE 1970s AND 1980s BY SUBRY GOVENDER

MAN PUT OFF TRAIN FOR USING WHITE COMPARTMENT IN DURBAN ON AUGUST 17 1978 Researching through my files of the articles that I had written while working for the Durban Daily News during the period from early 1970s and 1980, I found that people of colour were not spared in any way when encountering the indignities of apartheid and colour bar in all areas of their lives. Segregation along colour lines also affected the black passengers when using the trains, which was the only mode of transport for most people in those days. The train compartments were not only segregated along colour lines but the railway stations were also designed in such a way that blacks and whites were separated when boarding trains. For instance at the Durban Central station and other stations around the province, there were bridges for whites only and bridges for “non-whites”. If a black passenger was found using a bridge reserved for whites he was arrested and charged or if a black passenger used a compartment reserved for whites, he was on most occasions thrown off the train. MOST PEOPLE ONLY KNOW OF THE MAHATMA GANDHI INCIDENT IN 1893 Most people only know of the historic incident that took place at Pietermaritzburg railway station in the late 1800s when Mahatma Gandhi was thrown off the first-class compartment reserved for whites. Gandhi refused to vacate his seat and for his steadfastness, he was ignominiously thrown off the train. This incident took place on the night of June 7 1893 while Gandhi was travelling from Durban to Johannesburg. This sort of indignity continued for decades right up to the end of the 1980s.

I covered one incident in August 1978 when a young man who was thrown off a train while travelling from the Berea Road station to his home town of Wyebank. Mr Bala Govender, aged 22 at that time, had purchased a first-class compartment ticket for “non-whites” but he had to use the white compartment after he found that there was no provision for passengers like him. I interviewed Mr Govender, who would now be around 64-years-old, and the story was published under the headline, “Man put off train for using white compartment”, on August 17 1978. Mr Govender told me that he and eight other first-class ticket holders had boarded the train for Wyebank at the Berea Road railway station a little after 4pm. He said there were three first class compartments for whites but none for blacks. He said: “The other black passengers and I got into the white first-class compartment which was practically empty. But no sooner had the train pulled off when a ticket examiner came along and said we had no right to sit in the white first-class compartment. “I tried to explain to the ticket examiner that there was no first-class compartment for blacks but he wouldn’t listen. He asked us to follow him and put us into a small compartment that only had one bench. “I refused to sit on the bench saying that I had paid first-class fare and was not prepared to accept third-class treatment. “The ticket examiner said that if I was not satisfied, I should go into the third class. When I refused, he forced me to get off at the Malvern station, which is quite a distance away from my home station.” I managed to speak to a senior official of the Railways in Durban who apologised for the incident and promised that immediate steps would be taken to avoid similar incidents in the future. The official, a Mr J A Pretorius, told me some confusion had arisen after an unknown person had removed the word “non” from a sign “non-white first class compartment”. He said: “I am sorry that this has happened. The incident would not have taken place if we had an experienced man on the train. In view of the labour shortage we had to use a youngster who had been with us only for a couple of months.”

BLACK TRAIN PASSENGERS TREATED LIKE “DOGS” This was an incident that took place more than three years after I had written an article on April 22 1975 about black commuters from the North Coast who complained that they were treated like “dogs” when using compartments reserved for whites. The commuters made this charge after they found that nothing was done to white passengers who used black first-class compartments. The article was published under the headline: “Whites use black trains claim”. One of the passengers, Mr Philip Francis, of Verulam told me that the white passengers board the first-class black compartments at the Durban Central station when travelling to the North Coast. “The ticket examiners or guards usually ask the white passengers to use the next train but the whites wait until the train is about to move and they then jump in,” Mr Francis told me.

Mr Francis was one of the top footballers in those days who played for the famous Verulam Suburbs Football Club that was owned and managed by Mr Balu Parekh. He worked for the British-owned Guardian Assurance Company in West Street, Durban. “Once they are in, the conductors don’t bother them,” he told me at that time. Another passenger from Verulam, Mr Ismail Mahomedy, told me at that time that whites should not use “black first-class compartments” because “if we use white first-class compartments by mistake we are chased out like dogs”. “They must use their own coaches”, he told me. Mr Mahomedy, who belonged to a prominent family in Verulam, was a leading sports administrator in the town in those days. When I contacted the System Manager’s office in Durban, I was told that they were not aware of whites using black “first-class” compartments. The spokesperson said they would investigate the matter.

BLACKS CANNOT USE WHITE BRIDGE AT DURBAN CENTRAL STATION A year later on May 10 1976, I wrote an article about how black passengers travelling to the North Coast from the Durban Central station were prohibited from using the “whites-only” bridge whenever they were in a hurry to board trains. The article was published under the headline: “Blacks cannot use white bridge – claim”. One of the passengers, Mr Ganesan Moodley, of Ottawa told me that he had started to use the “whites only” bridge after he was told that the Railways would turn a “blind eye” to blacks using the bridge. “But this morning two white policemen asked the passengers to go back to platform 10 and use the ‘non-white’ bridge. “But this caused us a lot of inconvenience because we normally rush to catch another train from platform 3.” Another passenger, Mr Roy Sukdeo, from Verulam told me that most of the trains bound for the North Coast normally leave from platform 10. “This is most inconvenient for us because we have to walk around platforms 6 and 8 to reach platform 10.” I contacted the office of the Natal Systems Manager of the Railways in Durban, Mr J C B Irving, who only a week ago told me that black passengers would not be troubled when using the white bridge to reach platform 10. But he was not available for comment.

The Durban Central station used to be a hive of activity right from the early 1940s to the late 1980s when workers from the North Coast, South Coast and the Pinetown-Pietermaritzburg region used to use the trains to travel to work and for visiting purposes. The apartheid indignities were part of their lives on the trains. But the one feature that may have made up for the indignities was that in those early days the Railway authorities at the Durban Central station used to make their announcements about the arrival and departure of trains not only in the English language but also in IsiZulu, Tamil and Hindi. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com July 29 2020

LITTER, FILTH AND RUBBISH CONTINUES TO CONCERN THE RESIDENTS OF OTTAWA

The residents of the village of Ottawa, between Verulam and Mount Edgecombe on the North Coast, are fed up and disgusted with the litter, filth and rubbish that engulfs the main road and the side roads leading to the residential areas. They are especially concerned with the rot that has set in at a retail business property at the corner of the Main Road and School Road. The retail businesses here sell the every-day needs and other requirements of people. There is also a liquor store at one end and a doctor’s surgery in the complex. What is reprehensible is the litter and rubbish that are found everywhere in the parking lot and also on the margins of the property at all corners.

Very little action is being taken to ensure that the area is clean and tidy and no one appear to be worried about the protection of the environment. They don’t even have the foresight to employ someone to clean up the litter and rubbish and to ensure that the trading area is free of the deteriorating sight. They don’t realise that with a clean environment the profits would definitely be higher. To make matters worse the Ethekwini Municipality, which is supposed to be the new democratic and non-racial council, does very little to clean up the main road from the bottom end right from the river to the top end, leading out into Verulam. They are only concerned about milking property owners of escalating rates, water and refuse removal fees.

In addition to the litter and rubbish at the property at the bottom end and all along the main road, there are numerous motor scrap yards that contribute to the further destruction of the environment. Litter and rubbish are also an unwelcome sight in the roads that lead to the residential areas.

The residents, for their part, should wake up from their slumber and speak out against the continued destruction of the environment. They should also take steps to ensure that litter and filth on the roads outside their properties are cleaned up and they are an example to their neighbours. Failing to take action will only lead to the destruction of their residential areas just like the destruction of the main road and the once beautiful Ottawa River.

A local activist organisation, the Ottawa Environment Forum, has for many years highlighted the ugly sight of litter, rubbish and filth in many parts of the village. But it seems the people concerned – the municipality on one side and the business people on the other – just don’t bother about the environment. The retail business trading centre is situated in a site where once the old Ottawa primary school and sports ground were the community’s pride of place. It is also situated near where the Flash Clothing factory provided employment for the local residents and people from surrounding towns such as Mount Edgecombe and Verulam. The Flash Clothing factory was owned by Mr S S Maharaj, who at one time was the Non-European tennis champion of South Africa. He was a great benefactor and was also one of scores of local pioneer residents who contributed enormously to the construction of the new Ottawa Primary School.

The history and heritage of the area should not be allowed to be destroyed by the lack of concern for the environment by the municipality and some irresponsible business people. ends - subrygovender@gmail.com

NELSON MANDELA AND HIS PRAISE FOR THOSE WHO CONTRIBUTED TO SOUTH AFRICA'S FREEDOM

(Nelson Mandela with Dr Khorshed Ginwala, Ismail Meer, Roy Padaychie and other activists) (July 18 2020) As South Africans continue to observe the 102nd birth anniversary of freedom icon, Nelson Mandela, veteran correspondent, Subry Govender, has dug deeper into his archives to bring you Mandela’s words of advice and encouragement when he addressed the country’s people of Indian-origin in Chatsworth, Durban, in 1994. BY SUBRY GOVENDER Seven months after being elected as the first democratic President of South Africa in May 1994, Nelson Mandela visited KwaZulu-Natal in November of that year to speak to the different communities. One of the official functions he addressed was at Chatsworth - home to more than 500 000 citizens of Indian-origin. He made the visit and addressed the community as a whole at a time when there was increasing anxiety about the anti-Indian sentiments that were emerging once again; when land invasions were taking place on farms owned by Indian-origin farmers in a number of areas on the North Coast and South Coast and when the sudden spike in violent crime rate began to claim a number of lives. Mandela, speaking to a large crowd of people, re-emphasised that they had nothing to fear in the new South Africa. Trying to re-assure the people, he said: “We are confident that as the light of knowledge conquers the darkness of evil, the benefits of the new era for peace and prosperity, freedom and tolerance will now be clear. “We are one nation of many cultures and religion. No community or religion has anything to fear from non-racialism and democracy. On the contrary all communities and religions now enjoy equal respect without preference.”

Mandela then went onto make it crystal clear that in the new, non-racial and democratic South Africa, no community should feel threatened for affirming one’s identity. “No longer do communities in affirming their identities should feel themselves in conflict or separated from the rest of society,” he told the people. “The changes are the mark of the transformation through which our society is growing. If and radical as the changes must be, they pose no threat to any community.” Mandela then used the occasion to urge Indian-origin South Africans not to allow themselves to be marginalised but to become a full part of the new South Africa. “Members of the Indian community,” he said, “who were forced by apartheid to count themselves as part of a minority are now free to become part of the majority”. “Exercise that freedom. Reject the past. Join hands for a better life.” In another act of statesmanship, Mandela surprised those present when he quoted from the Indian scriptures to call on the people to be confident and positive about the future South Africa. He said: “As the Hindu scriptures say and I quote: ‘We are what our deep driving desire is. As our desire is, so is our will. As our will is, so is our deed. As our deed is, so is our destiny.’ “The destiny of the Indian community is the better life for all. We are one South African nation united in one common destiny. Let this central thought guide our deeds in our urgent task in building this new society.” South Africa’s first democratic President also used the platform to praise the role played by leaders of the Natal Indian Congress in the liberation struggles from the early 1900s to 1994. Some of the leaders he mentioned included Dr Yusuf Dadoo, Dr Monty Naicker, Dr Kesaval Goonam, Ismail Meer, Mrs Fatima Meer, and J N Singh.

(NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS FREEDOM FIGHTERS AFTER THE NIC WAS REVIVED IN 1971) This is what he said about their contributions and the sacrifices by leaders such as Mewa Ramgobin, George Sewpersadh, D K Singh, Dr Farouq Meer, M J Naidoo, Ms Ela Gandhi, Dr Jerry Coovadia, Paul Devadas David, Billy Nair, Sunny Singh, R Ramesar and A H Randeree and countless other stalwarts since the early 1960s. “The spirit of freedom and peace which was embodied in the Natal Indian Congress as an ardent opponent of oppression and division lives on. Forced by the constraints of apartheid to work for a century through a political organisation restricted to one community, it is now infused in the larger body politics, a component of the creative energy which is working to make our country free from which oppression, hunger and deprivation.” The statements made by Nelson Mandela 26 years ago are memorable insights that need to be repeated over and over again today. They are words of wisdom that bring hope to those South Africans who today feel their colour and ethnic groupings have become more pronounced in what should be a non-racial society.

Two years ago our new President, Cyril Ramaphosa, hit out at those political elements who are sowing seeds racial hatred and disquiet. When addressing a Mandela Day function at Mvezu, the birthplace of Mandela, in the Eastern Cape on Wednesday, July 18 (2018), Ramaphosa reminded the racial mongers that Mandela, where ever he is, would be deeply concerned about the resurgence of racism and ethno-nationalism. Ramaphosa, without pulling any punches, made it clear that there was no place for racism and ethnic chauvinism in the new South Africa. He said: “There’s no place for racism in South Africa, no place for tribalism in our country. We are called upon to speak out when the values for which Mandela lived and for which so many fought for are denigrated by those who have no interest in the progress of our country.” One would have hoped that Ramaphosa’s lead would have been followed by others. But sadly it seems that those who survive on promoting racial hatred and disunity are not bothered by Ramaphosa or our freedom icon, Nelson Mandela. Their actions are definitely denigrating Mandela’s values and principles for a free, non-racial, democratic, united and peaceful South Africa. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com (July 20 2018)

NELSON MANDELA AND HIS RICH LEGACY OF UNITY, CO-EXISTENCE, NON-RACIALISM AND DEMOCRACY

“I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

“The South Africa we have struggled for, in which all our people, be they African, coloured, Indian or white, regard themselves as citizens of one nation is at hand. We honour the best sons and daughters of all our people. We can count amongst them, Africans, coloureds, whites, Indians, Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Jews – all of them united by a common vision of a better life for the people of this country.” BY SUBRY GOVENDER

July 18 2020

The late former South African President, Nelson Mandela, was more than just a political leader. At a time when South Africans are commemorating Mandela’s 102nd birth anniversary today (July 18 2020), it is appropriate to assert that he was one leader, like many of his contemporaries, who had continually promoted unity, non-racialism and peaceful co-existence of all people. Veteran journalist, Subry Govender, who has covered Nelson Mandela ever since his release on February 11 1990 and right up to his death in December 2013, writes that wherever he is now, Mandela will be deeply disillusioned and disappointed by actions of those political leaders who are now spreading racial hatred and disunity. It seems that these new political elites have no respect or regard for Mandela’s RICH LEGACY of unity, peaceful co-existence, non-racialism and democracy. Subry Govender also compiled this radio documentary about his commitment to non-racialism and democracy. RICH LEGACY OF NON-RACIALISM, UNITY, PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE AND DEMOCRACY

Although Nelson Mandela was imprisoned for nearly three decades and spent more than 50 years of his life fighting white minority rule, he has always promoted the values and principles of unity and peaceful co-existence of the majority African people alongside the white, coloured and Indian-origin communities. He first demonstrated his desire for a peaceful and united South Africa only a few hours after his release from prison on February 11 1990. Addressing a massive crowd of people at the Grand Parade in Cape Town, he said: “I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

F W de KLERK: “Man of integrity” At the same time, he went further to demonstrate his commitment to a peaceful South Africa when in his speech he showed no animosity to his former oppressors and spoke highly of the last white President, F W de Klerk. De Klerk, not only made Mandela’s release possible, but was also chiefly responsible for the peaceful transfer of power from the white minority to the black majority, led by Mandela’s African National Congress. He referred to De Klerk as a “man of integrity” despite drawing some “no, no” from the people who had gathered to welcome him as a free man. This is what he said about De Klerk: “Mr De Klerk has gone further than any other Nationalist President in taking real steps to normalise the situation. “It must be added that Mr De Klerk himself is a man of integrity.” Mandela pursued the unity theme throughout the negotiations process from 1990 and thereafter as President, and during his retirement. Only five days before he was installed as the country’s first democratic President on May 10 1994, Mandela outlined his vision for the new South Africa when he addressed a large crowd of people in Cape Town. This public meeting was organised with the support of Archbishop Desmond Tutu and struggle stalwarts such as Dr Alan Boesak, Trevor Manuel and Mr Dullah Omar. He once again spoke of the new non-racial South Africa being a country where all people would live in peace and harmony. “CITIZENS OF ONE NATION” “The South Africa we have struggled for, in which all our people, be they African, coloured, Indian or white, regard themselves as citizens of one nation is at hand. We honour the best sons and daughters of all our people. We can count amongst them, Africans, coloureds, whites, Indians, Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Jews – all of them united by a common vision of a better life for the people of this country.” He showed this theme when he established his first democratic government. It was not only all inclusive but he also ensured that the different communities were represented in his Cabinet. He also travelled the length and breadth of South Africa in order re-assure the different cultural and religious groups that individual and group rights would be protected in the new, non-racial and democratic South Africa. “NO CULTURAL GROUP OR INDIVIDUAL SHOULD FEEL INSECURE IN THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA” In one address in Durban in November 1994, Mandela gave an assurance that no cultural group or individual should feel insecure and that they should become part of the new South Africa. This is what he said: “The benefits of the new era for peace and prosperity, freedom and tolerance will now be clear. We are one nation of many cultures and religions. No community or religion has anything to fear from non-racialism and democracy. On the contrary, all communities and religions now enjoy equal respect without preference.”

In one address in Soweto in Johannesburg during the same period, Mandela told the people that the ANC did not regard itself as conquerors. This was his theme throughout his five-year term as President and when he stepped down in 1999 it was the same message that he passed down to his successor, President Thabo Mbeki, and other leaders within the ruling ANC. "RELENTLESS FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY"

(YOUNG PEOPLE MOURNING NELSON MANDELA 'S DEATH AT THE UNION BUILDINGS IN PRETORIA IN DECEMBER 2013) And in 2008 when South Africans observed the 32nd anniversary of the Soweto uprisings, Mandela used the occasion to once again remind the youth that they must work towards promoting unity and non-racialism. This was his message: “As future leaders of this country your challenge is to foster a nation in which all people, irrespective of race, colour, sex, religion or creed, can assert social cohesion fully. Mindful of your own challenge you must continue to promote the principle of relentless freedom and democracy as it is the foundation upon which issues of human rights are ingrained.” Now as South Africans commemorate Mandela’s 102nd birth anniversary, many people are justly concerned that Mandela’s sacrifices for our freedom may have been in vain. This is due to the unchecked way in which some political leaders are poisoning the minds of young people and others through their racially-inciting demagogury. It seems that these new political elites have no respect or regard for the values and principles of a united, free, peaceful and democratic society that Mandela had pursued during his life. Mandela would definitely be feeling disillusioned and disappointed wherever he is now. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com July 18 2020 THIS IS THE RADIO DOCUMENTARY IN WHICH NELSON MANDELA TALKS OF UNITY, NON-RACIALISM, PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE AND DEMOCRACY

DR FAROOQ MEER – ONE OF THE DYNAMIC ACTIVISTS IN THE STRUGGLES FOR FREEDOM AND EQUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA

One of the veteran political activists whose involvement in the Natal Indian Congress and the struggles for a free, non-racial and democratic South Africa was ingrained in his family is Dr Farooq Meer. On the 2nd of July this year, Dr Farooq Meer celebrated his full 82nd birthday. This article has been written to pay tribute during this important milestone to an activist who stood the test of time and contributed enormously to the political and social freedom that we enjoy today. BY SUBRY GOVENDER NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS

(DR MEER WITH FORMER KWAZULU-NATAL PREMIER - WILLIES MCHUNU - AT A FUNCTION IN DURBAN A FEW YEARS AGO) “The Natal Indian Congress’s approach is to work with the community, to build the communities, to educate them on the issues, to get them to struggle around the issues, to make them become self-reliant, and to motivate them to fight for their rights. “Whereas the approach of those working with the National Party Government is to reduce the Indian community to a nation of beggars, dependant on the holier than thou organisation, House of Delegates, for the meek handouts it gives to the Indian community after the big man in Pretoria has given him his personal handouts.” This no-holds-barred statement was made during a vibrant protest meeting in Durban in 1987 at a time when the struggles against the apartheid regime and its stooges were gaining momentum. The activist who captured the attention of the people with this no-nonsense statement was Dr Farooq Meer, who was the secretary of the Natal Indian Congress at this time. Dr Meer referred to the apartheid stooges as “opportunists”, who operated through patronage and coercion. He pulled no punches when he told the cheering anti-apartheid supporters: “One method that he employs to hoodwink the people into believing that the conditions are improving, is the method of hot air. “The second method he employs is through the use of patronage. Patronage means the provision of jobs for pals. One has to only look at the teaching profession to see that promotion of a teacher depends on his or her support for the House of Delegates. “And patronage is used against businessmen as well. No licence is issued to a businessman unless he supports the House of Delegates. “He also employs the coercion method. He coerces people. He goes to pensioners and tells them, ‘listen if you don’t vote, you will lose your pension’.” Dr Meer did not mention any names of the people operating in the House of Delegates and other business and social opportunists but it was obvious to all the people who he was referring to. INVOLVED IN THE REVIVAL OF THE CONGRESS

(Dr Farook Meer (extreme right) with activists of the 1970s to 1990) Dr Meer, who was 49-years-old at this time, was fast emerging as the new dynamic spokesperson of the Natal Indian Congress. Sixteen years earlier he had become part of the Renewal Committee that was established at a meeting in the Rose Kettle Room of the David Landau Community Centre in Asherville, Durban, to revive the NIC. The NIC, which was established by Mahatma Gandhi in 1894, had escaped the oppressive actions of the apartheid regime when it banned the ANC, Communist Party, PAC and other organisations in 1960. But the NIC was made non-functional after most of its leaders, such as Dr Monty Naicker, Dr Yusuf Dadoo, Dr Kesaval Goonam, J N Singh and Ismail Meer, were either banned, house-arrested, detained or forced into exile. Dr Meer joined activists such as Mewa Ramgobin, M J Naidoo, R Ramesar, Jerry Coovadia, Paul David, Ela Ramgobin, Abdul Haq Randeree, Rabbi Bugwandeen and George Sewpersadh in reviving the NIC at a mass meeting at the Bolton Hall in the former Prince Edward (now Dr Goonam) Street in Durban in 1971. He was elected treasurer at this revival meeting. Dr Meer gave me an insight into his life and political involvement in an interview in 2008. His immersion in the political struggles as part of the Natal Indian Congress was nothing unexpected as he had been born into a family that was involved in the struggles since the late 1890s. ROOTS IN SURAT IN GUJERAT

(Dr Meer with his wife, Rasheeda, at a function in Durban a few years ago) Born on July 2 1938 in Durban, Farooq Meer was number eight in a family of six brothers and three sisters. His father, Moosa Ismail Meer, arrived in Durban from the district of Surat in the state of Gujerat in India in 1895. His father joined Mahatma Gandhi and became Editor of the Indian Views. His eldest brother, Ismail Meer, joined Gandhi’s son, Manilal Gandhi, in producing the Indian Opinion newspaper from premises situated at 137 Grey Street ( now Dr Yusuf Dadoo Street) in Durban. At this time Farooq Meer was attending primary school and he became aware of the struggles through the activities of his father, brother Ismail Meer and sister, Fatima, who was number two in the family. He attended high school in the town of Dundee in northern Natal and completed his matriculation in 1955. STUDIED MEDICINE IN IRELAND He was forced to leave the country to travel to Ireland in 1956 after he could not find a place at the Medical School in Durban to study medicine. He returned to the country in 1963 after obtaining his medical degree. He had a chance to travel to the United States for three months during this period to further his studies. On his return towards the end of 1963, Dr Meer completed his internship at the King Edward V111 Hospital in Durban. In 1968 he once again travelled to the United States to study anaesthetic. When he returned in 1969, he joined the R K Khan Hospital in Chatsworth and in 1971 he became a specialist consultant at the King Edward V111 Hospital for one year. He joined the private sector one year later in 1972. During this period, he stepped up his political activities in the Natal Indian Congress against the state-created South African Indian Council and the Local Affairs Commitees. He also came out strongly in support of students in their struggles for equal education.

(DR MEER WITH MINISTER PRAVIN GORDHAN AT HIS HOME IN DURBAN RECENTLY) DETAINED IN BENONI FOR SIX WEEKS This drew the attention of the dreaded security police and he was arrested and detained for six weeks in Benoni in 1980. When he joined the UDF after its establishment in August 1983, he once again came under the surveillance of the security police and detained for two months. He was detained again in 1985 for two months. When in 1984 his fellow NIC and UDF colleagues – Mewa Ramgobin, M J Naidoo, Archie Gumede, Billy Nair, George Sewpersadh and Paul David – sought refuge at the British Consulate in Durban to highlight the oppressive actions of the apartheid regime, Dr Meer was once again in the forefront to provide support for the Consulate 6 along with Ela Gandhi and other activists. This was the most repressive period in South Africa when the apartheid regime introduced emergency regulations and began to target resistance fighters and activists all over the country. And when three senior officials of the UDF took refuge at the American Consulate in Johannesburg in September 1988, Dr Meer once again came out to fully support them despite the severe actions the security police had taken against him. The senior UDF officials were Murphy Morobe, publicity secretary; and Mahomed Valli Moosa, acting general secretary of the UDF. The third activist was Vusi Khanyile, who was chairman of the National Education Crisis Committee. Dr Meer told me in an interview at that time: “We in the Congress salute the bold, effective and imaginative blow that the UDF officials have taken and in doing so they have struck a blow for freedom. “Their action is in keeping with the Gandhian tradition of non-violent resistance to tyranny and we completely and fully support their stay at the American Consulate. “Like the Durban Consulate Six, Vally Moosa, Murphy Morobe and Vusi Khanyile have highlighted the uncivilised and barbaric practice of putting people in jail without trial. “South Africans hope that the Government will see this as an opportunity to develop a sensitivity to local opinion and makes a serious and sincere effort to break the domestic political impasse. It could make a start by lifting the state of emergency, releasing all political detainees and bringing to an end its myriad of security laws that have made our country a police state.”

(DR MEER WITH HIS WIFE, RASHEEDA, AT A STATUE OF NELSON MANDELA AND WINNIE MANDELA) TALKS WITH THE ANC IN LUSAKA IN 1988 In late 1988 when the Pretoria regime under F W De Klerk began to consider negotiations with Nelson Mandela and the ANC, the Natal Indian Congress and the Transvaal Indian Congress organised a delegation to travel to Lusaka in Zambia to hold talks with the ANC in exile. The delegation comprised business, religious, cultural and political leaders. Dr Meer joined the delegation as secretary of the Natal Indian Congress. “The ANC,” he told me, “outlined its policies in clear terms”. “The delegates were told that Indian-origin people, like other South Africans, were full citizens and as such would enjoy full rights without any discrimination or marginalisation,” he said. And after Mandela was released in February 1991 and the ANC and other organisations were unbanned, Dr Meer played a full role as part of the Natal Indian Congress in the negotiations process. AGAINST THE DISBANDMENT OF THE NIC IN 1994 He retained the position of secretary of the NIC until 1994 when most of the NIC leaders insisted that the NIC must stop its operations and join fully with the ANC. Dr Meer was one of the leaders who cautioned against this move, saying the NIC could play a role in the new South Africa as an ally of the ANC. After the local government elections in Durban, Dr Meer was appointed to serve as a councillor in Durban for five years. He held this position until 1999 when he retired. Despite withdrawing into the background, Dr Meer still kept a close watch on the socio-political developments and when in 2007, George Sewpersadh passed away at the age of 71, Dr Meer paid this this tribute to his former President of the NIC in an interview with this correspondent: “He was a modest individual who shunned the limelight. He did not seek fame or wealth. He did not seek position. So, part of his character was in getting others to move to the foreground. He felt that no leader was indispensable, that there was plenty of leadership potential. And that others, especially the younger generation, should be given the opportunity to take up their responsibilities.”

(Dr Farooq Meer (in the background) with Dr Jerry Coovadia, Swaminathan Gounden and other activists at a meeting of the Active Citizens Movement) HIS FAMILY INFLUENCED HIS POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT When I interviewed Dr Meer about his life and political involvement, he said the Natal Indian Congress was in his family blood. “My involvement in the revival and work in the Natal Indian Congress was a natural thing for me to do because of my family background. “My father was involved, my eldest brother and also Fatima and her husband, Ismail Meer. They had a lot of influence in my political thinking for a non-racial and democratic South Africa,” Dr Meer told me. Like many former anti-apartheid activists and leaders, Dr Meer, who celebrated his 82nd birthday on Thursday, July 2 (2020), is of the view that the new South Africa has many challenges and President Cyril Ramaphosa needed all the support in overcoming the socio-economic inequalities that plagues many people. But, at the same time, there was a need for stronger action against those who mis-use the political system to indulge in looting the resources of the country. “Twenty-six years into our new South Africa, there’s a need for all the people to enjoy a better life, socially and economically. Freedom is not just for the privileged few.” Dr Meer and his wife, Rasheeda, have four children – Nadia, Razina, Ziad and Bilal – and six grandsons. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com July 3 2020

BLACK LIVES MATTER CAMPAIGN HIGHLIGHTS “COLOUR” RACISM IN INDIA IT'S CALLED "COLOURISM"

MANY FAIR SKINNED PEOPLE IN INDIA LOOK UPON DARK-SKINNED FELLOW CITIZENS AS "NEGROES" The Black Lives Matter campaign has come up for serious discussion and debate in India and other neighbouring countries where the “fair and lovely” culture among a lot of people has promoted “colour racism” for many, many years. In India it is labelled: “colourism”. The Unilever company, that has a significant presence in India, has come up for severe condemnation over its “Fair and Lovely” products. This “fair skin” phenomenon has promoted deep racism against dark-skinned people, especially the women. One would only have to look at the television stations and the cinema world, both in the North and South of India, and you will find that there are very few dark-skinned women who are TV reporters, presenters or lead actors in serials and movies. The dark-skinned women and men are reduced to roles as gangsters, thugs, maids or cleaners in movies and TV serials. In fact, the attitude of many fair-skinned people is more racist than people in countries where racism was official policy. It seems that this kind of “colour racism” does not attract the attention of the politicians and most of the actors and actresses in the North and South. Only progressive actors and activists have taken up the cause of the people discriminated through “colour racism”. They have established organisations such as “Brown skin matters” to campaigns against the racism that is rife in India and neighbouring countries. One woman activist, Muna Beatty, started an organisation, “Colour Me Right” to expose the “colourism” racism that looks at dark-skinned people as inferior. One progressive television station is the New Delhi-based News Channel, NDTV. It has started a campaign against “colour racism” and has also prohibited “fair and lovely” advertisements on its channel. The activists who have now supported the Black Lives Matter Movement have called on Unilever to abolish all its “fair and lovely” products so that skin racism is eliminated from society in India. During my several trips to India as a journalist in the early 1990s and 2008, I had witnessed several incidents where dark-skinned people were treated with contempt by fair-skinned people. The fair-skinned people see themselves as “whites from Europe”, while the dark-skinned people are referred to as “negroes”. Once during a flight on Air India from Singapore to Chennai in March 1990, there were a few sari-clad air hostesses attending to the passengers. One passenger raised his hand and asked for some assistance. The attitude of the air hostess was brutally hostile and uncaring towards the passenger. Then a few moments later, another passenger called the same air hostess and requested something. The attitude of the air hostess was very polite and she went out of her way to assist the passenger. Noticing this, I asked myself why was her attitude so hostile to the first passenger and polite to the second passenger. Then I noticed that the first passenger was dark-skinned and spoke mainly in the Tamil language. The second passenger was fair-skinned and he spoke in English. This stirred something in me because I was from a country where racism and discrimination had been part and parcel of our lives. Today in India, many people see the promoters of “fair skin” culture as the most racist in the world. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com July 1 2020