Wednesday, November 16, 2022

DO WE CHERISH THE RICH LEGACY OF OUR INDENTURED ANCESTORS AND ARE WE LACKING LEADERSHIP TODAY IN THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA?

 

              (Sugar estate workers in Mt Edgecombe on the North Coast in the early days)


 ON NOVEMBER 16 2022, WE, AS SOUTH AFRICANS, WILL BE OBSERVING THE 162nd ANNIVERSARY OF THE ARRIVAL OF OUR INDENTURED ANCESTORS TO THE FORMER NATAL COLONY, WHICH WAS UNDER THE CONTROL OF THE THEN BRITISH EMPIRE.  

OVER THE PAST MORE THAN 16 DECADES, THE DESCENDANTS OF OUR ANCESTORS HAVE PROGRESSED TO MAKE SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE SOCIAL, ECONOMICAL, EDUCATIONAL, RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL LIFE OF SOUTH AFRICA DESPITE THE DECADES OF OPPRESSION, DISCRIMINATION AND EXCLUSION.

THE FIRST BATCH OF OUR ANCESTORS LANDED IN THE THEN PORT OF DURBAN AS INDENTURED LABOURERS. THE FIRST GROUP OF PEOPLE ARRIVED FROM THE INDIAN CITY - THEN KNOWN AS MADRAS – (NOW CHENNAI) AND THEREAFTER FROM, MAINLY THE CITY KNOWN AS CALCUTTA - (TODAY KOLKATA).

THE INDENTURED LABOURERS WERE ALLOCATED TO VARIOUS SUGAR FARMERS AND ESTATES TO THE NORTH AND SOUTH OF THE THEN NATAL COLONY.

 

(Former indentured labourers with their children and grand-child at their home in Cato Manor)

SOME OF THE FAMOUS ESTATES THEY WORKED AS SEMI SLAVES WERE BLACKBURN, MOUNT EDGECOMBE, TRENANCE, CORNUBIA, NEW GUELDERLAND, AND HUNDREDS OF OTHER SUGAR ESTATES IN TONGAAT, VERULAM, STANGER, UMKOMAAS, ISIPINGO, UMZINTO AND PORT SHEPSTONE.

 

           BRUTAL AND HARSH CONDITIONS

 

DESPITE THE HARSH AND BRUTAL CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH THEY WERE FORCED TO LABOUR - THESE PIONEERS LAID THE FOUNDATION FOR SUCCEEDING GENERATIONS BY EMPHASING THE IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION, CULTURE, LANGUAGE, AND SOCIAL COHESION – (NOT COERCISION). THEY BUILT EDUCATIONAL, RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS WHERE EVER THEY FIRST TOILED AND THEREAFTER WHERE EVER THEY SETTLED.

 

             (A rich legacy inherited from     our indentured ancestors. This is a               temple in Johannesburg.)
                             

 

TODAY – 162 YEARS LATER - THROUGH THE SACRIFICES OF THE EARLY PIONEERS - WE ENJOY A FREE AND DEMOCRATIC COUNTRY - BEYOND THE IMAGINATION OF THE    EARLY INDENTURED LABOURERS.

 

BUT HOW MUCH DO WE REMEMBER OUR EARLY FOREFATHERS? ARE WE PROMOTING AND PROTECTING THE RICH HERITAGE THAT THEY HAD CREATED FOR US? OR ARE WE RAPIDLY SHOWING NO RESPECT AND REGARD FOR THE VERY RICH CULTURES AND TRADITIONS BESTOWED TO US?

 

ARE WE PROTECTING OUR RICH HISTORY, ARTEFACTS, CULTURES, TEMPLES, CHURCHES, MOSQUES AND TRADITIONS?

 

DESCENDANTS MAKE A COMMITMENT TO THE NEW SOUTH ADRICA

 

FURTHERMORE, AFTER THE DAWN OF OUR FREEDOM IN APRIL 1994, SOUTH AFRICANS OF INDIAN-ORIGIN PUT THEIR SHOULDERS TO THE WHEEL TO PROMOTE A SOCIETY WHERE EVERYONE ENJOYED FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT, FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF DEVELOPMENT AND WHERE PEOPLE WOULD BE TREATED WITH EQUALITY, RESPECT AND DIGNITY.

BUT TODAY, 28 YEARS INTO OUR NEW SOUTH AFRICA, MANY PEOPLE HAVE TAKEN A BACK SEAT AND HAVE WITHDRAWN FROM THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY.

 

“FREE BUT NOT FREE” DUE TO THE HIGH RATE OF VIOLENT CRIME

 

 

THE PEOPLE HAVE STATED THAT THEY NO LONGER FEEL FREE IN A FREE AND DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA BECAUSE OF THE HIGH RATE OF VIOLENT CRIME AND THE LACK OF COMMITMENT BY RULING POLITICIANS, POLICE PERSONELL AND GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS TO CREATE A CONDUCIVE ENVIRONMENT AND PROVIDE OPPORTUNITIES FOR ALL THE PEOPLE.

 

BUT, DESPITE ALL THE SETBACKS AND THE CORRUPTION AND BRIBERY THAT GO WITH IT, SOUTH AFRICA IS STILL SEEN AS ONE OF THE BEST COUNTRIES IN THE WORLD.

 

DR IMTIAZ SOOLIMAN AND GIFT OF GIVERS

(Dr Imtiaz Sooliman)



 

WE SHOULD FOLLOW THE LEAD OF THE CHAIRPERSON AND FOUNDER OF THE GIFT OF THE GIVERS, DR IMTIAZ SOOLIMAN, WHO HAS REPEATEDLY STATED IN A NUMBER OF PUBLIC ADDRESSES AT VARIOUS FUNCTIONS RECENTLY THAT WE HAVE THE POWER TO DEVELOP AND CREATE A BETTER COUNTRY FOR ALL THE PEOPLE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

HE HAS STATED THAT ALL SOUTH AFRICANS MUST WORK TOGETHER TO BUILD A NEW COUNTRY AND FOR BUSINESS PEOPLE TO LEND A MAJOR HAND IN IMPROVING THE INFRASTRUCTURE AND PERSONNEL IN ALL FIELDS OF LIFE SUCH AS EDUCATION, HEALTH, TRANSPORT.

 

SO, WHILE WE OBSERVE AND CELEBRATE THE LIVES OF OUR INDENTURED ANCESTORS, LET US AT THE SAME TIME COMMIT OURSELVES TO DEVELOPING, AS DR SOOLIMAN SAYS, A SOCIETY FOR ALLTHE PEOPLE.

POVERTY, UNEMPLOYMENT, INEQUALITY AND UNDER-DEVELOPMENT CANNOT CONTINUE IN A COUNTRY AS RICH AS SOUTH AFRICA.


LACK OF PROGRESSIVE LEADERS

 

WE NEED MORE LEADERS OF THE CALIBRE OF DR SOOLIMAN TO COME FORWARD AND RAISE ISSUES OF CONCERN TO ALL SOUTH AFRICANS. THEY ARE URGENTLY NEEDED TO GIVE HOPE AND ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE POOR, DISADVANTAGED AND THOSE ON THE MARGINS OF SOCIETY WHO SAY THERE ARE NO LEADERS TO REPRESENT AND TO RAISE THEIR CONCERNS IN THE NEW NON-RACIAL AND DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA.




IN THE YEARS LEADING TO THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA IN APRIL 1994, THEY HAD ORGANISATIONS SUCH AS THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (UDF) AND THE NATAL INDIAN CONGRESS (NIC) TO TAKE UP SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL ISSUES OF CONCERN. UNFORTUNATELY, THESE PROGRESSIVE ORGANISATIONS WERE CALLED UPON TO DISBAND BECAUSE THE ANC WOULD REPRESENT THEM IN THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA. ALTHOUGH FREEDOM ICON, NELSON MANDELA, AND LEADERS OF THE CALIBRE OF PROF FATIMA MEER WERE OPPOSED TO THE DISBANDING OF THE NIC, OTHER ELEMENTS INSISTED THERE WAS NO NEED FOR ORGANISATIONS SUCH AS THE NIC TO REMAIN IN THE NEW SOUTH AFRICA.


(Prof Fatima Meer with veterans of the struggles,  - her husband, Ismail, Dr Monty Naicker, M N Pather and George Singh)




BUT MANDELA WAS OF THE VIEW THAT THE NIC WAS AN HISTORICAL ORGANISATION AND IT SHOULD REMAIN. HE MADE IT CLEAR THAT THE NIC WOULD WORK WITH PROGRESSIVE ORGANISATIONS TO PROMOTE THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRY.

PROF MEER, FOR HER PART, WAS OF THE VIEW THAT ALTHOUGH THE ANC WOULD REPRESENT ALL PEOPLE, THE NIC WOULD BE THE HISTORICAL ORGANISATION TO REPRESENT THE MASSES WITHIN THE PEOPLE OF INDIAN ORIGIN.

IT SEEMS BOTH MANDELA AND MEER WERE ON THE POINT REGARDING THE NIC AND THE UDF BECAUSE TODAY THE PEOPLE FIND THEMSELVES LEADERLESS, LOST AND FORGOTTEN. THE PEOPLE DON’T REGARD THE ANC OF TODAY AS PROMOTING THE VALUES AND PRINCIPLES OF THE MANDELAS, WALTER SISULUS, GOVAN MBEKIS, AHMED KATHRADAS AND SCORES OF OTHERS. RACE, RACISM, AND PROMOTION OF RACIAL HATRED AND GENOCIDE HAVE BECOME THE NORM AMONG SOME OF THE POLITICIANS. ENDS – subrygovender@gmail.com  November 16 2022


Friday, November 11, 2022

THE ASSASSINATION THREAT AGAINST STAR EDITOR BY A RULING PARTY POLITICIAN REMINDS US OF THE STRUGGLES OF JOURNALISTS DURING THE APARTHEID ERA

 


 
(Zwelike Sisulu and Juby Mayet leading a protest march in Johannesburg against the banning of the UBJ in 1977)




When we take a moment or two at this time to observe the situation of the Editor of the Star, Sifiso Mahlangu, it’s crucial to recall the enormous sacrifices and contributions of journalists during the apartheid era in the struggles for a free, non-racial and democratic South Africa.

 I am not going to go back in history but deal primarily with the period when the then National Party introduced all kinds of laws to suppress, oppress, harass and intimidate journalists – especially journalists of colour.


  (Philip Mthimkulu)
                                      


(Juby Mayet)            

Being colonial and racially driven – the media during this period was mainly concerned with maintaining and retaining white domination of the social, economic and political fabric of South Africa.

Nearly all newspapers were white owned, controlled, managed and edited – with the exception of one or two minor and insignificant publications – and the National Party monopolised the airwaves in the name of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC).


(Leslie Xinwa)


                                              (Isaac Moroe)
(Nat Serache)
 (Rashid Seria)
                                      (Mathatha Tseudu)






 

The apartheid regime, especially under the leadership of John Vorster, Hendrik Verwoerd and P W Botha, had in their arsenal more than 100 statutes that limited the freedom of the Press. The repressive atmosphere really began after the Sharpeville uprisings on March 21 1960 when police shot dead 69 peaceful marchers who were protesting against the carrying of the hateful Dom-Pass.

The National Party Government introduced a state of emergency and banned the ANC and the PAC and crushed all opposition to white minority rule. Publications such as the New Age, Fighting Talk, Advance and Guardian were forced to close shop and the journalists working in these and other progressive newspapers either had to flee the country or go underground.

 (Matyeu Nonyane, Rashid Seria, Leslie Xinwa and Isaac Moroe)

During this period of repression, some of the only black-oriented newspapers that were allowed to operate were the Drum magazine and the Golden City Post. Although they reported on some political developments, they were, however, no danger to the existence of the white state.
Being white-owned and managed, these newspapers concentrated on the sensational – sex, crime and gangs and sport – in order to survive. There were some journalists during this period in the 1980s who dared to question the white status quo – but they too were quickly intimidated and forced to flee the country or tone down.





(Mona Badela and Enoch Duma)

In the early 1970s – when the black consciousness movement took root after the establishment of the South African Students Organisation (SAS0) – a number of  journalists came to the fore – prepared to take on the white oppressors irrespective of the consequences. These journalists were primarily working at that time for newspapers such as the World and Weekend World, and socially-conscious journalists working for mainstream newspapers such as the former Rand Daily Mail, the East London Daily Dispatch, the Cape Times and Argus, the Johannesburg Star and the Durban Daily News.



They tried to introduce a new and dynamic approach to journalism by tackling the social, economic, sporting and political oppression of the majority. The struggle for freedom of the Press and the liberty of the people had just started in earnest once again.

But no sooner had  journalists – with a black consciousness background – begun to tackle real and fundamental issues affecting the majority, the apartheid system struck back with a vengeance in 1974 when they banned a Frelimo rally scheduled to be held at Durban’s Currie’s Fountain and prohibited any newspaper coverage of the event.

As a matter of interest, black consciousness leaders like the late Strini Moodley, Saths Cooper, Aubrey Mokoape and others were charged under the infamous Terrorism Act and as a result of the rally were charged and sentenced to Robben Island.


(Journalists standing up for Media Freedom in the 1970s and 1980s)


Further onslaughts against the media began after the 1976 Soweto uprisings. Two months after the uprisings, nine journalists, who played a leading role in reporting events in Soweto, were detained under the regime’s Internal Security Act, and two others were incarcerated under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

Among the very first to be arrested was Joe Thloloe, who was at that time working for the World Newspaper; Peter Magubane, South Africa’s world-famous photo-journalist who worked at that time for the Rand Daily Mail and Miss Thenjiwe Mntintso, who worked at the Daily Dispatch in East London at that time.

The majority of them were held for about four months without being tried in a court of law. They were released at the end of December 1976 but some were re-arrested in 1977. Joe Thloloe was held incommunicado for 547 days under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

 



(Rashid Seria, Mike Norton and Juby Mayet at a UBJ meeting in Durban in 1977)

The others were Willie Bokala, a reporter for the banned World newspaper who was held in detention for more than a year; Jan Tugwana, a reporter for the then Rand Daily Mail who was also held in detention for more than a year under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; Ms Juby Mayet, a doyen of journalists who was held incommunicado under the Internal Security Act at the Fort Prison in Johannesburg; Isaac Moroe, the first president of the Writers Association of SA (WASA) in Bloemfontein; Bularo Diphoto, a freelance journalist in the town of Kroonstad who was also detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; and Mateu Nonyane.

Another journalist, Mr Moffat Zungu, who was a reporter for the World Newspaper, was an accused in the Pan African Congress (PAC) trial that took place in Bethal, near Johannesburg. He was first detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.

The darkest day in the history of Press Freedom took place on October 19 1977 when the notorious apartheid Minister of Police, Jimmy Kruger, banned the only two newspapers respected among people – the World and Weekend World.


(Charles Nqakula, Subry Govender and Philip Mthimkulu)


Mr Kruger, who became infamous for describing Steve Biko’s death two months earlier as – “It leaves me cold” – at the same time banned the Union of Black Journalists (UBJ) and 17 other organisations; the publication of the UBJ – AZIZTHULA; religious and student publications; locked up the editor and news editor of the World and Weekend World – the late Percy Qoboza and the late Aggrey Klaaste respectively; and banned for five years the Editor of the Daily Dispatch, the late Donald Woods.

The regime also raided the offices of the Press Trust of South Africa (PTSA) alternative news agency in Durban and confiscated all its stationery and equipment and seized its funds.

Six other journalists were also detained at this time – including Thenjiwe Mntintso, who became an ANC functionary after 1994 and appointed as an ambassador; and Enoch Duma – who worked for the Star newspaper at that time. He fled into exile after being released after more than two years in detention.

 



Almost every member of the UBJ was visited by the security police all over the country; their homes and offices raided and searched and interrogated. All the raids were carried out at the unearthly hours of 4am and 5am in the morning. I remember my mother knocking on my door and saying in our Tamil mother tongue: “Some white people are here asking for you.”

When representations were made to Mr Kruger for the release of the detained journalists, he had the temerity to announce that the detentions were not meant to intimidate the Press and that his Government had good reasons to detain the journalists.






It was during this traumatic period that another publication of the UBJ, UBJ Bulletin, and all subsequent editions were banned. The UBJ Bulletin contained some revealing articles about the activities of the South African Police during the Soweto uprisings. Four UBJ officials – Juby Mayet, Joe Thloloe, Mike Nkadimeng and  Mike Norton – were charged for producing an undesirable publication.

Inspite of world-wide condemnation of the banning, detention and harassment of journalists, the state security police continued with their jack-boot tactics.

In Durban two Daily News journalists – Wiseman Khuzwayo and Quraish Patel – were detained without trial for more than three months.

On November 30 1977, the day white South Africa went to the polls to give John Vorster another mandate to continue to oppress the majority, 29  journalists, including Zwelakhe Sisulu and Ms Juby Mayet, staged a march in the centre of Johannesburg against the banning of the UBJ and the detention of journalists. They were detained for the night at the notorious John Vorster Police station and charged under the Riotous Assemblies Act and fined R50 each.

Some of our colleagues who found it impossible to continue to work in South Africa skipped the country under trying circumstances. They included Duma Ndhlovu, Nat Serache, Boy Matthews Nonyang and Wiseman Khuzwayo.

Those who remained – including Juby Mayet, Zwelakhe Sisulu, Philip Mthimkulu, Joe Thloloe, Charles Nqakula, Rashid Seria, this correspondent and many others – vowed to continue the struggle. We committed ourselves in the belief that there could be no Press freedom in South Africa as long as the society in which we lived was not free. But the regime was also determined to make life difficult for us.

In July 1977 when we scheduled to hold a gathering of former UBJ members in Port Elizabeth to chart our future course of action – the regime banned our gathering and prohibited us from travelling to the PE. But being determined to take on the regime head-on we quickly re-scheduled our meeting to be held in the town of Verulam, about 25km north of Durban.

Unknown to us the dreaded Security Police tapped our telephone conversations and had the Starlite Hotel in Verulam bugged. The Security Police were listening to the entire proceedings of our meeting and immediately decided that we were a bunch of “media terrorists” who should be taken out of society.

At our meeting we decided to establish our own daily and weekly newspapers and a news agency because we were of the firm belief that the establishment media was not catering for the  majority. The establishment media of that era, as you have already been informed, was aimed at protecting and promoting the privileges of the minority.

But, sadly we did not have the resources to embark on such ambitious projects. Nevertheless, many of us who became frustrated with the establishment media began to make arrangements for the establishment of regional newspapers that would provide an alternative voice to the mainstream media and the National Party-controlled SABC.

But resistance led to more repression. In June 1980 when school children all over the country boycotted classes against the unequal and inferior education system for children of the majority, the security police once again targeted journalists. They detained many of us for lengthy periods, claiming that the journalists had been encouraging the children to boycott classes.

Zwelakhe Sisulu was during that period of repression detained for nearly two years.
In Durban, Cape Town, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, East London and other centres – black journalists continued to work with the community in an attempt to establish alternative newspapers.

In Durban, the Press Trust of South Africa Third World News Agency was established as one of the first moves to provide the outside world with accurate information about the situation in South Africa. The news agency was established to operate alongside the running of the alternative newspaper, Ukusa.

But just when the newspaper was set to start publishing with the blessing of the community, the state struck again and banned its Managing Editor – this correspondent; and also Zwelakhe Sisulu, Joe Thloloe, Philip Mthimkulu, Mathatha Tsedu and Charles Nqakula in December 1980.

This was a massive blow for the alternative media because all the journalists were fully involved in the various projects.

Some of the publications that they were involved in were UKUSA in Durban, Grassroots in Cape Town, Speak in Johannesburg and Umthonyama in Port Elizabeth. The South African Council of Churches also sponsored the publication of a newspaper called The Voice. Philip Mthimkulu and Juby Mayet worked for this newspaper before they were banned.

The journalists in question were put out of circulation for three years until the end of 1983 when their banning orders expired. But during their period of forced exile, the journalists did not remain idle – for instance the Press Trust of South Africa News Agency continued to operate under some trying conditions, intimidation and harassment.

During this period Charles Nqakula skipped the country to join the ANC. Upon his return he served the new government in various positions, including Minister of Defence.

When our banning orders expired, most of us continued where we had left off. In Johannesburg, Zwelakhe Sisulu initiated the establishment of the New Nation newspaper with the assistance of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference; in Cape Town, Rashid Seria initiated the establishment of the South Newspaper; and in other parts of the country many other progressive forces and journalists began to establish alternative publications.

The apartheid regime began another round of repression and during the respective states of emergency, media repression reached a peak. It was a time when the discredited tri-cameral system was in place and the United Democratic Front had captured the imagination of oppressed South Africans.

Most of us – who were in the forefront of the alternative media – were under constant surveillance. For instance during the emergency regulations in 1986 and 1987 – the dreaded security police at that time raided all the alternative newspapers and intimidated the journalists.
The New Nation and the Weekly Mail – two alternative newspapers in Johannesburg – were banned several times from 1986 to 1990.

When peace negotiations began, there was some respite for journalists and the media.

The stand-point taken by Sifiso Mahlangu, Editor of State, is a reminder once again to journalists of today that they must recapture the struggles of the journalists of the era prior to 1994 and commit themselves to promoting media freedom in our new, non-racial and democratic order.

The new era journalists must be on guard all the time. They must remember that a country without a free media is not free at all and this must be communicated to the current people in political power.

Our first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, repeatedly told us how much he appreciated the work that struggle journalists had done for their freedom and how it was important that media practitioners continued to keep a check on the new politicians. He made it clear that the new politicians are answerable to the citizenry and not the other way round.

What Mandela was saying was that journalists must keep a check on politicians who try to harass, intimidate and use violence in order to curb the freedom of the Press in our new non-racial, democratic and free South Africa. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com Nov 9 2022

 

 

Friday, November 4, 2022

LIFE OF A PORT SHEPSTONE 96-YEAR-OLD FORMER SUGAR CANE LABOURER CELEBRATED

 



 

By Subry Govender

 

Working as a labourer on the sugar plantations, rice fields and vegetable gardens on farms near Port Shepstone was recalled at a birthday function for a local 96-year-old great-grand mother recently.

The event was held in honour of Mrs Papathy Govender at the home of her 73-year-old daughter, Ruby Naicker, in Marburg, on Saturday, October 22 2022.

Family members from far afield as Johannesburg and Durban joined a large number of their local Port Shepstone relatives to celebrate the legacy of Mrs Govender who toiled on two farms near Port Shepstone all her early and adult life.
Mrs Govender was born on September 30 1926 at Batania Farm,  which was leased by her father, Kanan Govender, after he had  completed his five year indenture on a neighbouring sugar estate.

                                          



He had come to the former Natal Colony from a village in Tamil Nadu in India as a teenager in the 1880s. He was recruited to work as an indentured labourer by a sugar farmer in Port Shepstone.

Kanan Govender, who was famously known as KanKan, used his influence to lease a 20-acre farm in the Batania area. Here he planted sugarcane, vegetables and rice.
The young eligible bachelor was soon introduced to a young lady who was a local girl. He married the young woman, Alyamma, and after a few years he married his wife's sister, Mariamma, as his second wife.

He lived with both his wives at Batania Farm and conceived 17children.



Mrs Papathy Govender, who was the eldest from his first wife, toiled in the fields with her two mothers. Life was tough.
"We worked very hard every day from early as 5am until our tasks were completed,” she told me in the Tamil language.
When she was 15 years-old, her father made arrangements for her to marry Narainsamy Govender, the son of a neighbouring farmer, Mr Jitla Govender.



The wedding took place at her father-in-laws Izotsha Farm. They stayed in Izotsha where their first four children were born. After some discussions with Papathy’s parents they moved to Batania where they continued to work in the fields as ordinary labourers.

"Both my husband and I worked in the fields here at Batania and had to bear the hardships. But after a while my father-in-law insisted that we should move back to Izotsha. Here too we worked in the fields again, looking after the sugar cane and rice crops and  vegetables. Life was very difficult and I recall that many a time I used to carry cabbages on my head when I was fully pregnant."



Her husband, in addition to working in the fields,  was also a laundry man.
Mrs Papathy Govender and her husband were parents to seven children - four daughters and three sons.
Except for two children, Radha and Baby, the rest of the children - Pushpa, Ruby, Sadha, Krish and Jaya - are all settled in and around Port Shepstone. All the children also worked in the fields before completing their schooling and entering other professions.
Mrs Govender continued to live on her father-in- laws farm even after her husband passed on at the age of 45 when the youngest son was six years old.  She was 35-years old at the time of her husband’s death.




Of her siblings of 11 children, only she and a sister, Thanga (82), are still alive today.
And from her second mother’s six children, two daughters, Ambie 71, and Goindu 85, are still around.
Mrs Govender has 16 grand-children (one late Delon), and 21 great-grand-children. One great-great-grand-child will be born soon in Cape Town.
She currently lives with her son, Sadha, and his wife, Reena, in Marburg. According to family members, 96-year-old Papathy Govender is still very strong and helps with the house-hold chores of washing dishes and folding washed clothes.

“She is enjoying her advanced age and I suppose this is due largely to all the hard work she had done during her early life and after marriage”, said her third daughter, Ruby Naicker.

“By holding this event, the family wants to celebrate her life and legacy, which for us is unprecedent.”  Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com Oct 22 2022

 

 

Wednesday, October 19, 2022

BLACK WEDNESDAY OCT 19 1977 HIGHLIGHTS THE STRUGGLES FOR MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE 1970s, 1980s and EARLY 1990s

MEDIA STRUGGLES TO BRING ABOUT A FREE AND DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA


(Members of the Union of Black Journalists at a meeting at the Wentworth Hotel in Durban early in 1977)



On October 19 2022, South Africans once again reflect on the state of the media in the new democratic South Africa by observing the 45th anniversary of the crack down on the media by the former apartheid regime on October 19, 1977. Marimuthu Subramoney, aka Subry Govender, recalls the struggles of the journalists during the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s and warns that South Africans must continue to promote media freedom and guard against any attempts by the  new elite to smother the media..... . 




 OCTOBER 19 AND THE STRUGGLES OF JOURNALISTS IN THE 1970S, 1980S AND 1990s




(Zwelakhe Sisulu)




One of our formidable struggle journalists during the 1970s and 1980s, Zwelakhe Sisulu, who died at the age of 61 on October 4 2012, has been duly acknowledged along with scores of other journalists for being involved in the  struggles to bring about the new non-racial, free and democratic South Africa.

(Media struggle veterans who attended the funeral of Zwelakhe Sisulu in Johannesburg in Oct 2012)

In this article, I want to go back to the days when Zwelakhe and a large number of journalists put their lives on the line to contribute to the liberation struggles. 

Before I go into meat of the media struggles in the 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s, I want to submit that the suppression of the media during the apartheid era did not start when the white baaskap National Party came to political power in 1948. But it had its roots when the first newspapers were started by the colonial authorities in the early 1800s. 

However, I am not going to go back in history but would deal primarily with the period when the National Party introduced all kinds of laws to suppress, oppress, harrass and intimidate journalists - especially journalists of colour. Being white, colonial and racial driven - the media during this period was mainly concerned with maintaining and retaining white domination of the social, economic and political fabric of South Africa. 


                                   MEDIA - COLONIAL MENTALITY

The whites owned, controlled, managed and edited nearly all the newspapers - with the exception of one or two minor and insignificant publications - and the National Party monopolised the airwaves in the name of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). 
The National Party, which F W De Klerk unashamedly tried to sell to the people of Indian-origin, coloured people and Africans in the early 1990s, had in their arsenal more than 100 statutes that limited the freedom of the Press. 
The repressive atmosphere really began after the Sharpeville uprisings on March 21 1960 when police shot dead peaceful marchers who were protesting against the carrying of the hateful Dom-Pass. 

The National Party Government introduced a state of emergency and banned the ANC and the PAC and crushed all opposition to white minority rule. Publications such as the New Age, Fighting Talk, Advance and Guardian were forced to close shop and the journalists working in these and other progressive newspapers either had to flee the country or go underground. 
During this period of repression, some of the only black-oriented newspapers that were allowed to operate were the Drum magazine and the Golden City Post. Although they reported on some political developments, they were, however, no danger to the existence of the white state. Being white-owned and managed, these newspapers concentrated on the sensational - sex, crime and gangs and sport - in order to survive. 
There were some journalists during this period who dared to question the white status quo - but they too were quickly intimidated and forced to flee the country or tone down. 

                                     BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS 


 In the early 1970s - when the black consciousness movement took root after the establishment of the South African Students Organisation (SAS0) - a number of black journalists came to the fore - prepared to take on the white oppressors irrespective of the consequences. These journalists were primarily working at that time for newspapers such as the World and Weekend World, and socially-conscious journalists working for mainstream newspapers such as the former Rand Daily Mail, the East London Daily Dispatch, the Cape Times and Argus, the Johannesburg Star and the Durban Daily News. 

They tried to introduce a new and dynamic approach to journalism by tackling the social, economic, sporting and political oppression of the black majority. The struggle for freedom of the Press and the liberty of the people had just started in earnest once again. 


                                FRELIMO RALLY 

 But no sooner had black journalists - with a black consciousness background - began to tackle real and fundamental issues affecting the majority - the System struck back with vengeance in 1974 when the Frelimo rally was scheduled to be held at Durban's Currie's Fountain. The apartheid regime banned the rally and prohibited newspapers from publishing any news item that would amount to publicising the event. 

This correspondent was at this time with the Daily News and assigned to cover the rally. This correspondent was not only detained and interrogated but my editor, Mr John O'Mally, was charged for publicising the event. Another colleague, Joan Dobson, skipped the country and fled into exile because the apartheid regime suspected she was in league with the organisers of the rally. After the dawn of our new demcoracy in April 1994, she began reporting from Harare for the SABC's AM and PM live programmes at that time.


                                    ROBBEN ISLAND 

 As a matter of interest, black consciousness leaders like the late Strini Moodley, Saths Cooper, Aubrey Mokoape and others were charged under the infamous Terrorism Act and as a result of the rally were convicted and sentenced to Robben Island. Further onslaughts against the media began after the 1976 Soweto uprisings when school children protested against the imposition of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in their schools. Two months after the Soweto uprisings nine black journalists, who played a leading role in reporting events in Soweto, were detained under the regime's Internal Security Act, and two others were incarcerated under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. 

 

                             TERRORISM ACT 



 Among the very first to be arrested was Joe Thloloe, who was at that time working for the World Newspaper; Peter Magubane, South Africa's world-famous photo-journalist who worked at that time for the Rand Daily Mail and Miss Thenjiwe Mntintso, who worked at the Daily Dispatch in East London at that time. 



 



                    UNION OF BLACK JOURNALISTS 


(Juby Mayet)
                                                (Mathatha Tseudu)
(Duma Ndhlovu)
                                        (Isaac Moroe)

(Don Mattera)

(Enoch Duma)


 The majority of them were held for about four months without being tried in a court of law. They were released at the end of December 1976 but some were re-arrested in 1977. Joe Thloloe was one of those re-arrested and he was held incommunicado for 547 days under Section of the Terrorism Act. The others were Willie Bokala, a reporter for the banned World newspaper who was held in detention for more than a year; Jan Tugwana, a reporter for the then Rand Daily Mail who was also held in detention for more than a year under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act; Ms Juby Mayet, a doyen of black journalists who was held incommunicado under the Internal Security Act at the Fort Prison in Johannesburg; Isaac Moroe, the first president of the Writers Association of SA (WASA) in Bloemfontein; and Bularo Diphoto, a free-lance journalist in the town of Kroonstad who was also detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. Another journalist, Mr Moffat Zungu, who was a reporter for the World Newspaper, was an accused in the Pan African Congress (PAC) trial that took place in Bethal, near Johannesburg. He was first detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act. The blackest day in the history of Press Freedom in so far as the black majority was concerned took place on October 19 1977 when the notorious Jimmy Kruger banned the only two newspapers respected among black people - the World and Weekend World. Mr Kruger, who became infamous for describing Steve Biko's death two months earlier as - "It leaves me cold" - at the same time banned the Union of Black Journalists(UBJ) and 17 other organisations; the publication of the UBJ - AZIZTHULA; religious and student publications; locked up the editor and news editor of the World and Weekend World - the late Percy Qoboza and the late Aggrey Klaaste respectively; and banned for five years the Editor of the Daily Dispatch, the late Donald Woods. The regime also confiscated all our stationery and equipment and seized our funds. Six other journalists were also detained at this time - including Thenjiwe Mntintso, a former ambassador now based at the ANC headquarters in Johannesburg; and Enoch Duma - who worked for the Star newspaper at that time. He fled into exile after being released after more than two years in detention. He returned to the country after the 1990s. 

                                               Leslie Xinwa 

                                         

(Rashid Seria of Cape Town)


 Almost every member of the UBJ was visited by the security police all over the country; their homes and offices raided and searched and interrogated. All the raids were carried out at the unearthly hours of 4am and 5am in the morning. I remember my mother knocking my door and saying in our Tamil mother tongue: "Some white people are here asking for you." My rooms were searched and all literature relating to the UBJ were confiscated. They even confiscated a letter I had written to the late Prime Minister of India, Mrs Indira Gandhi. I don't know whether that letter reached Mrs Gandhi because India at that time was leading the international struggle against minority rule in South Africa. After completing their raid, they took me to the Daily News in Field Street in Durban where they searched my desk. 

When representations were made to Mr Kruger for the release of the detained journalists, he had the temerity to announce that the detentions were not meant to intimidate the Press and that his Government had good reasons to detain the journalists. It was during this traumatic period that another publication of the UBJ, UBJ Bulletin, and all subsequent editions were banned. 


                                 (Some of the journalists who supported the establishment of the alternative media at a meeting in Johannesburg in the 1980s)

The UBJ Bulletin contained some revealing articles about the activities of the South African Police during the Soweto uprisings. Four UBJ officials - Juby Mayet, Joe Thloloe, Mike Nkadimeng and the late Mike Norton - were charged for producing an undesirable publication. Inspite of world-wide condemnation of the banning, detention and harassment of journalists, the state security police continued with their jack-boot tactics. 

 In Durban two Daily News journalists - Wiseman Khuzwayo and Quarish Patel - were detained without trial for more than three months. 


                                             PROTESTS 




(Zwelakhe Sisulu, Juby Mayat, and other colleagues staging a protest march in Johannesburg in November 1977 after the banning of the UBJ)


On November 30 1977, the day white South Africa went to the polls to give John Vorster another mandate to continue to oppress the black majority, 29 black journalists, including the late Zwelakhe Sisulu and Ms Juby Mayet, who is now also late, staged a march in the centre of Johannesburg against the banning of the UBJ and the detention of journalists. They were detained for the night at the notorious John Vorster Police station and charged under the Riotous Assemblies Act and fined R50 each. Some of our colleagues who found it impossible to continue to work in South Africa skipped the country under trying circumstances. They included Duma Ndhlovu, Nat Serache, Boy Matthews Nonyang and Wiseman Khuzwayo. Those who remained - including Juby Mayet, Zwelakhe Sisulu, Philip Mthimkulu, Joe Thloloe, Charles Nqakula, Rashid Seria, this correspondent and many others - vowed to continue the struggle. We committed ourselves in the belief that there could be no Press freedom in South Africa as long as the society in which we lived was not free. But the regime was also determined to make life difficult for us. In July 1978 when we scheduled to hold a gathering of former UBJ members in Port Elizabeth to chart our future course of action - the regime banned our gathering and prohibited us from travelling to the Eastern Cape city. But being determined to take on the regime head-on, we quickly re-scheduled our meeting to be held in the town of Verulam, about 25km north of Durban. Unknown to us, the dreaded Security Police tapped our telephone conversations and had the Starlite Hotel in Verulam bugged. The Security Police were listening to the entire proceedings of our meeting and immediately decided that we were a bunch of "media terriorists" who should be taken out of society. 

 

                                                 NEW APPROACH 

 At our meeting we decided to establish our own daily and weekly newspapers and a news agency because we were of the firm belief that the establishment media was not catering for the black majority. The white establishment media of that era, as you have already been informed, was aimed at protecting and promoting the privileges of the white minority. But sadly, we did not have the resources to embark on such ambitious projects. Nevertheless, many of us who became frustrated with the establishment media began to make arrangements for the establishment of regional newspapers that would provide an alternative voice to the establishment media and the National Party-controlled SABC. When the regime leaders realised that black journalists were not prepared to cow down and submit to their dictates, they intensified their harassment. In June 1980 when school children all over the country boycotted classes against the unequal and inferior education system for black children, the security police once again targeted journalists. They detained many of us for lengthy periods, claiming that black journalists had been encouraging black children to boycott classes. Zwelakhe Sisulu was during that period of repression detained for nearly two years. In Durban, Cape Town, Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth, East London and other centres - black journalists continued to work with the community in an attempt to establish alternative newspapers. 

                            

                             PRESS TRUST OF SOUTH AFRICA 


 In Durban, the Press Trust of South Africa Third World News Agency was established as one of the first moves to provide the outside world with accurate information about the situation in South Africa. The news agency was established to operate alongside the running of the alternative newspaper, Ukusa. But just when the newspaper was set to start publishing with the blessing of the community, the state struck again and banned its Managing Editor - this correspondent; and also Zwelakhe Sisulu, Joe Thloloe, Philip Mthimkulu and Charles Nqakula in December 1980. This was a massive blow for the alternative media because all the journalists were fully involved in the various projects. Some of the publications that they were involved in were UKUSA in Durban, Grassroots in Cape Town, Speak in Johannesburg and Umthonyana in Port Elizabeth. The South African Council of Churches also sponsored the publication of a newspaper called The Voice. Philip Mthimkulu and Juby Mayet worked for this newspaper before they were banned. The journalists in question were put out of circulation for three years until the end of `1983 when their banning orders expired. But during their period of forced exile, the journalists did not remain idle - for instance the Press Trust of South Africa News Agency continued to operate under some trying conditions, intimidation and harassment. All the banned journalists also kept in touch with one another and on one occasion two of us - Zwelakhe Sisulu and the writer - even met under secrecy in Johannesburg to discuss the establishment of alternative newspapers once our banning orders expired. 

(Charles Nqakula, Subry Govender and Philip Mthimkulu)

During this period Charles Nqakula skipped the country to join the ANC. Upon his return he served the new government in various positions, including Minister of Defence. Between 1980 and 1983 - the Press Trust News Agency managed to supply news to the outside world about the struggles in South Africa. When our banning orders expired - most of us went straight back to our task of continuing to provide an alternative voice for the black majority. In Johannesburg - Zwelakhe Sisulu initiated the establishment of the New Nation newspaper with the assistance of the South African Catholic Bishops Conference; in Cape Town Rashid Seria initiated the establishment of the South Newspaper; and in other parts of the country many other progressive forces and journalists began to establish alternative publications. Student organisations and leaders also produced a variety of alternative publications. 


In Durban we continued with the Press Trust News Agency and supplied on the spot and analytical reports to radio stations in the United States, Europe, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore and at one time we even supplied information to the Tass News Agency, which was based in Zimbabwe after that country's independence in 1980. Some of the radio stations we supplied reports to included, the BBC, Radio Netherlands, Radio Deutsche Welle or Voice of Germany, Radio France Internationale and the Zimbabwean Broadcasting Corporation. In Durban some journalists also established the New African newspaper. 


                                            UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT 




 While we were determined to report the struggles for a free society - the apartheid regime was also determined to crush us. It began another round of repression through P W Botha and in 1986 introduced some of the most repressive methods to suppress journalists. At this time the regime had introduced the tri-racial parliament for whites, coloured people and people of Indian origin; while the progressive forces established the United Democratic Front (UDF). The UDF, together with the alternative media, the churches, trade unions and student organisations provided the regime with the biggest challenge - that the days of white minority rule are nearing an end. Most of us - who were in the forefront of the alternative media - were under constant surveillance. For instance, during the emergency regulations in 1986 and 1987 - every time there was a knock on our door - we lifted our heads to see if it was the Security Police. On one occasion more than 10 Security Policemen raided our office situated at that time in Protea House in the former West Street in Durban and confiscated a pile of documents. On another occasion - our offices were mysteriously burgled and a computer, printer, computer discs, casettes, and even an automatic telephone were stolen. We reported the incident to the police and when one finger-print expert came to the office - we told him not to look too far for the thieves because the culprits would be either in the security police or national intelligence offices. 

 

SECURITY POLICE HARRASSMENT 


 The period of sustained security police intimidation and harassment we experienced was just an example of what the alternative media organisations and individuals encountered during that period. All of us were also denied passports to travel overseas - the regime pontificated that we were "a danger to the security of the state" and, therefore, our movements had to be restricted. The New Nation and the Weekly Mail - two alternative newspapers in Johannesburg - were banned several times from 1986 to 1990. The only time we were given respite was after the ANC, PAC, SACP and other organisations were unbanned early in 1990. The sad demise of Zwelakhe Sisulu and struggle journalists, who contributed enormously to the dawn of our new our new South Africa, was yet another occasion for us to reflect on the contributions made by "struggle journalists". 


 STRUGGLE JOURNALISTS 


 And now on October 19 202, 28 years into our new democratic South Africa we must ask ourselves whether we still face problems in the new democratic order. There's no doubt that certain moves by the ruling ANC in the mid-2000 to introduce some measures to control the media was a reminder that those we had put in power had become a threat to the freedom of speech, freedom of information and the freedom of the Press that we fought and sacrficied for. Personally, I see no need for any law to protect any information - except for information that threatens the security of the state. But all other information are of interest and importance to the citizen. We need to know how state officials, politicians and others are ripping us off through bribery, corruption and state tenders. Fortunately, this move by the ANC regime was withdrawn after consistent and strong opposition by the people in general. 


 NO ALTERNATIVE TO A FREE MEDIA 


 A country without a free media is not free at all and this must be communicated to the current people in political power. Our first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, repeatedly told us how much he appreciated the work we had done for their freedom and how it was important that we continued to keep a check on the new politicians. He made it clear that the new politicians are answerable to the citizenry and not the other way round. It seems our work is not finished. A La Continua - the struggle continues. – ends Oct 19 2022 subrygovender@gmail.com