Friday, August 12, 2011
Emancipation of women is an everyday affair and not just a one-month "tamasha" in August every year
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(Aka Subry Subry Govender)
As the country celebrates Women's Month (the official Women's Day was observed on Tuesday, August 9), it's important to reiterate why the new non-racial democratic government decided in 1995 to set aside August 9 as an official public holiday.
It was 55 years ago on August 9, 1956 when more than 20 000 women of all racial groups staged a march to the former Union Buildings (now the new government's and presidential centre) to present a petition against their oppression and subjugation, especially the carrying of passes by women, to the Prime Minister at that time, Mr J G Strijdom.
The march was organised by the Federation of South African Women and led by women struggle leaders of that era - Lilian Ngoyi, Helen Joseph, Sophie Williams and Radima Moosa. The women challenged the idea that "a woman's place is in the kitchen" and declared instead that their place was "everywhere".
The "white" Prime Minister, Mr Strijdom, was not at his office to accept the petition but their action sent a clear message that they would not be intimidated and silenced by unjust laws. After the petition was handed over to the secretary of Mr Strijdom, the women sang freedom songs and shouted the slogan: "Strijdom, wathint abafazi, wathint imbokodo", which translated means: "Strijdom, you strike a woman, you strike a rock".
Prior to the 1956 women leaders, one of the women who embodied this struggle was Ms Charlotte Maxeke, who went to study science in the United States in 1896. Upon attaining her degree, she returned to be involved in a number of development initiatives aimed at empowering women. She organised and led the Bantu Women’s League, which was a forerunner of the ANC Women's League.
After the 1956 march, the next generation of women leaders continued to use the "Strijdom, wathint abafazi, wathint imbokodo" phrase to highlight their struggles against discrimination, marginalisation, oppression and subjugation. There were literally thousands of women who joined the struggles in a number of battles against the former apartheid regime and when the ANC and other organisations were banned in 1960, many of these women leaders continued the struggles inside the country.
While many of the women remained "unsung heroines" of the struggles, some of the women leaders who took the centre stage were the Ms Dorothy Nymbe(late), Mrs Albertina Sisulu(late), Mrs Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, Professor Fatima Meer(late), Mrs Helen Suzman, (late), Ms Ela Gandhi, and a number of women who were associated with the Black Sash all-women pressure group. All of these women were banned, house-arrested, detained, denied passports and sacrificed almost everything for the liberation of women and the country from the oppression of the former white minority regime.
Today, 55 years after the famous Women's March in Pretoria and 17 years after the advent of our new democracy in 1994, the women, despite the many challenges, are making their mark and in many instances, even overshadowing the menfolk. But at the same time millions of women still have to face challenges such as customary oppression at the hands of their husbands and menfolk in general, social inequalities, continued discrmination, rape and sexual harrassment at the work place and being abandoned by men who father their children.
It's hoped that the celebration of "Women's Month" will lead to the highlighting of the challenges women still have to face in their everyday lives even in the new non-racial and democratic South Africa today. The struggle for women's emnacipation should not just be a one month "tamasha" during August every year but an every day affair throughout the year.
We have to remember what former president, Nelson Mandela, said when he addressed the first democratically-elected parliament on May 24 1994 about the rights of women:
"Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression."
Tuesday, August 2, 2011
Leaders of "conscience" are vital today just like those who raised their voices fearlessly during the apartheid era
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
During the struggles against apartheid, we were encriched by the presence of hundreds of leaders of "conscience" who spoke out vociferously and strongly against the oppression and repression of the racist regime.
Some of these leaders who stood out were Mrs Helen Suzman, who for more than two decades was the lone voice against the ruling National Party in the then whites-only parliament; Dr Frederick van Zyl Slabbert, an outstanding academic, leader of the former Progressive Federal Party and Director of the Institute for a Democratic Alternative; Dr Alan Boesak, a religious leader, former black consciousness activist and patron of the United Democratic Front; Arcbishop Desmond Tutu, former leader of the Anglican Church; Bishop Reuben Philip, former black consciousness activist and a leader of the Anglican Church; Dr Frank Chikane, a former secretary general of the South African Council of Churches; Father Smangeliso Mkhathwa, a former secretary general of the Southern Africa Catholic Bishops Conference; and Archbishop Denis Hurley, a former Catholic Archbishop of Durban and leader of the Catholic Church in Southern Africa.
These leaders of "conscience" provided the moral support to the thousands of other activists and the people in general in the struggle for equality and justice. They did not allow the oppressive actions of the apartheid regime to deter them in any way.
After the advent of our new non-racial and democratic society, most South Africans were of the view that there would be no need for leaders of "conscience" any more because the party that took over in April 1994, the African National Congress, was a liberation movement whose leaders had sacrificed their lives for the freeom of the people.
And during the first two five-year terms of ANC rule under President Nelson Mandela and President Thabo Mbeki there had been no cause for concern.
But during Mbeki's second five-year term and the current term under President Jacob Zuma, various leaders of "conscience" have spoken out against wide-scale corruption, police excesses, "Robert Mugabe", "Idi Amin" and racist tendencies among the Julius Malema types and a general decline in moral standards.
One of the former "conscience" leaders who first spoke out against these tendencies is Archbishop Tutu, who has now retired from public life.
There have been others as well but two people stand out.
They are social commentator and analyst, Mr Moeletsi Mbeki, and the secretary general of the Congress of South African Trade Unions(Cosatu), Mr Zwelinzima Vavi.
Mr Mbeki, who is the younger son of the late Govan Mbeki and brother of former President, Thabo Mbeki, ruffled ANC feathers last week when addressing the Cape Town Press Club. He said there was a steep decline in leadership in the ANC and the politicians running the party were an example of the decline in intellect and vision.
Among other things, Mbeki claimed that the ANC Government was not solving the economic conditions of the people of South Africa.
"What the government has been doing since 1994 is building a class of rich blacks and these rich blacks are taking a big part of our resources and consuming them, instead of investing them.
"Just like the National Party before it, the ANC has created a model that benefits only a small inner circle."
Despite being roasted by the ANC as a "doubting thomas" with "deep-rooted bitterness", Mbeki, 67, stood his ground. He reacted by saying the ANC had the mind-set of a one-party state.
"The ANC is such a dominant party they then jump to the conclusion that they are the cleverest people because they have the largest vote and, therefore, anybody else hasn't got any wisdom. So instead of saying what can I learn from the criticism, the ANC says this is an enemy I must attack."
For his part, Zwelinzima Vavi has been scathing about the "culture of impunity that has been on the rise" to allegations of corruption in the country. He has called for the law to take its course against Julius Malema, and for corruption within government to be rooted out without delay.
He listed some allegations and said the ball was in Zuma's court.
He said: "These are just a few cases in the mountain of allegations of corruption and abuse of public funds. The president needs to allay fears that we are sinking into a corruption-ravaged banana republic."
The emergence of Moeletsi Mbeki and Zwelinzima Vavi is a clear indication that we need as many "conscience" voices as possible in order to keep the democratic government in check and on the right track.
Any failure by leaders of "conscience" to speak out will signal the death knell of our hard earned democracy. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
During the struggles against apartheid, we were encriched by the presence of hundreds of leaders of "conscience" who spoke out vociferously and strongly against the oppression and repression of the racist regime.
Some of these leaders who stood out were Mrs Helen Suzman, who for more than two decades was the lone voice against the ruling National Party in the then whites-only parliament; Dr Frederick van Zyl Slabbert, an outstanding academic, leader of the former Progressive Federal Party and Director of the Institute for a Democratic Alternative; Dr Alan Boesak, a religious leader, former black consciousness activist and patron of the United Democratic Front; Arcbishop Desmond Tutu, former leader of the Anglican Church; Bishop Reuben Philip, former black consciousness activist and a leader of the Anglican Church; Dr Frank Chikane, a former secretary general of the South African Council of Churches; Father Smangeliso Mkhathwa, a former secretary general of the Southern Africa Catholic Bishops Conference; and Archbishop Denis Hurley, a former Catholic Archbishop of Durban and leader of the Catholic Church in Southern Africa.
These leaders of "conscience" provided the moral support to the thousands of other activists and the people in general in the struggle for equality and justice. They did not allow the oppressive actions of the apartheid regime to deter them in any way.
After the advent of our new non-racial and democratic society, most South Africans were of the view that there would be no need for leaders of "conscience" any more because the party that took over in April 1994, the African National Congress, was a liberation movement whose leaders had sacrificed their lives for the freeom of the people.
And during the first two five-year terms of ANC rule under President Nelson Mandela and President Thabo Mbeki there had been no cause for concern.
But during Mbeki's second five-year term and the current term under President Jacob Zuma, various leaders of "conscience" have spoken out against wide-scale corruption, police excesses, "Robert Mugabe", "Idi Amin" and racist tendencies among the Julius Malema types and a general decline in moral standards.
One of the former "conscience" leaders who first spoke out against these tendencies is Archbishop Tutu, who has now retired from public life.
There have been others as well but two people stand out.
They are social commentator and analyst, Mr Moeletsi Mbeki, and the secretary general of the Congress of South African Trade Unions(Cosatu), Mr Zwelinzima Vavi.
Mr Mbeki, who is the younger son of the late Govan Mbeki and brother of former President, Thabo Mbeki, ruffled ANC feathers last week when addressing the Cape Town Press Club. He said there was a steep decline in leadership in the ANC and the politicians running the party were an example of the decline in intellect and vision.
Among other things, Mbeki claimed that the ANC Government was not solving the economic conditions of the people of South Africa.
"What the government has been doing since 1994 is building a class of rich blacks and these rich blacks are taking a big part of our resources and consuming them, instead of investing them.
"Just like the National Party before it, the ANC has created a model that benefits only a small inner circle."
Despite being roasted by the ANC as a "doubting thomas" with "deep-rooted bitterness", Mbeki, 67, stood his ground. He reacted by saying the ANC had the mind-set of a one-party state.
"The ANC is such a dominant party they then jump to the conclusion that they are the cleverest people because they have the largest vote and, therefore, anybody else hasn't got any wisdom. So instead of saying what can I learn from the criticism, the ANC says this is an enemy I must attack."
For his part, Zwelinzima Vavi has been scathing about the "culture of impunity that has been on the rise" to allegations of corruption in the country. He has called for the law to take its course against Julius Malema, and for corruption within government to be rooted out without delay.
He listed some allegations and said the ball was in Zuma's court.
He said: "These are just a few cases in the mountain of allegations of corruption and abuse of public funds. The president needs to allay fears that we are sinking into a corruption-ravaged banana republic."
The emergence of Moeletsi Mbeki and Zwelinzima Vavi is a clear indication that we need as many "conscience" voices as possible in order to keep the democratic government in check and on the right track.
Any failure by leaders of "conscience" to speak out will signal the death knell of our hard earned democracy. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Sunday, July 31, 2011
The Malemas are shredding and tearing apart the legacy of Nelson Mandela and his comrades
"As a government, the ANC will create a legal framework that will assist, rather than impede, the awesome task of reconstruction and development of our battered society. "...... This is the challenge that faces all South Africans today, and it is one to which I am certain we will all rise." - Nelson Mandela in May 1994.
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Seventeen years ago on May 9 1994 when Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the new democratic president of the country, he not only committed his new government to creating peace and reconciliation, but he also made it abundantly clear that new policies would be introduced to bring about bring about socio-economic changes for the majority.
Among other things, he said: "As a government, the ANC will create a legal framework that will assist, rather than impede, the awesome task of reconstruction and development of our battered society.
"...... This is the challenge that faces all South Africans today, and it is one to which I am certain we will all rise."
Since then Mandela has repeatedly, until his retirement five years later, stated that the ANC Government and its leaders and members will first and foremost work to improve the quality of life of the masses - the poor, marginalised and the disadvantaged.
One of the measures the ruling ANC introduced was called BEE or Black Economic Empowerment. This measure gave preference to the majority black people in so far as government contracts at the national, provincial and local government was concerned.
As a result over the past decade or so, many thousands have empowered themselves economically but sadly many of the people who capitalised and became beneficiaries of BEE belong to the political elite, their families, friends and hangers-on.
It's in this context that the political leader, Julius Malema, who claims he's working to uplift the poor and the disadvantaged, currently finds himself.
Cutting out all the frills, Malema, who is also the president of the ANC Youth League and who has aspirations of one day occupying the president's seat, is alleged to be using his political clout to amass tens of millions of unbegotten wealth as exposed by the City Press and other newspapers at the weekend.
The devastating reports about his lavish life were published despite his attempts to block the publication of the reports through an application to the Guateng High Court.
It's alleged he has used his political position to obtain government contracts for his friends and business associates and inturn he has been paid huge amounts, which he has channelled into his trust account, Ratanang Family Trust, of which he is the sole trustee.
This, many role players is nothing but CORRUPTION, CORRUPTION AND CORRUPTION.
Malema it seems cannot account for his millions as, in his own words, he earns "above R20 000" a month from the ANC.
Questions have already been asked how could he afford a R3,6-million house in Sandown which he has now broken down to build a R16-million mansion; a R1-million house in Polokwane; and a farm in Limpopo, for which he has paid R800 000 in cash.
He also drives around in luxury cars, some of them valued at more than R1-million; sports watches that are worth more than R250 000; wears designer clothes valued at tens of thousands of rand; eats at super luxury restaurants and drinks the most expensive wines.
Malema, in his usual boorish attitude, has tried to rubbish questions about his wealth by adopting a defensive attitude. He told journalists last week: "It's none of your business... you must mind your own business."
Malema, who wants to nationalise mines and confiscate land from whites, further astonished South Africans when he said: "One of the things I have learnt in my short life in politics is the ability to live in the conditions of capitalism while fighting it and defeating it."
The tragedy of the Malema drama is that he's not the only political leader to use his position and staus to further his financial interests. It's reported that scores, if not hundreds, of political leaders at all levels in almost every corner of the country have used and are continuing to use their positions to rake in millions in cash or are funnelling into bank accounts of families, extended family members and friends.
In this mad rush to gain from capitalism while at the same time "fighting it and defeating it", the millions of the poor and the ordinary people, that Malema claims on whose behalf he has entered politics, continue to wallow in increasing poverty, unemployment and joblessness.
The Malemas have not only tarnished the heritage of Nelson Mandela and the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus, Govan Mbekis, Monty Naickers and Yusuf Dadoos but have also shredded and ripped apart their legacy.
For this travesty the Malemas must be called to account and pay. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Seventeen years ago on May 9 1994 when Nelson Mandela was inaugurated as the new democratic president of the country, he not only committed his new government to creating peace and reconciliation, but he also made it abundantly clear that new policies would be introduced to bring about bring about socio-economic changes for the majority.
Among other things, he said: "As a government, the ANC will create a legal framework that will assist, rather than impede, the awesome task of reconstruction and development of our battered society.
"...... This is the challenge that faces all South Africans today, and it is one to which I am certain we will all rise."
Since then Mandela has repeatedly, until his retirement five years later, stated that the ANC Government and its leaders and members will first and foremost work to improve the quality of life of the masses - the poor, marginalised and the disadvantaged.
One of the measures the ruling ANC introduced was called BEE or Black Economic Empowerment. This measure gave preference to the majority black people in so far as government contracts at the national, provincial and local government was concerned.
As a result over the past decade or so, many thousands have empowered themselves economically but sadly many of the people who capitalised and became beneficiaries of BEE belong to the political elite, their families, friends and hangers-on.
It's in this context that the political leader, Julius Malema, who claims he's working to uplift the poor and the disadvantaged, currently finds himself.
Cutting out all the frills, Malema, who is also the president of the ANC Youth League and who has aspirations of one day occupying the president's seat, is alleged to be using his political clout to amass tens of millions of unbegotten wealth as exposed by the City Press and other newspapers at the weekend.
The devastating reports about his lavish life were published despite his attempts to block the publication of the reports through an application to the Guateng High Court.
It's alleged he has used his political position to obtain government contracts for his friends and business associates and inturn he has been paid huge amounts, which he has channelled into his trust account, Ratanang Family Trust, of which he is the sole trustee.
This, many role players is nothing but CORRUPTION, CORRUPTION AND CORRUPTION.
Malema it seems cannot account for his millions as, in his own words, he earns "above R20 000" a month from the ANC.
Questions have already been asked how could he afford a R3,6-million house in Sandown which he has now broken down to build a R16-million mansion; a R1-million house in Polokwane; and a farm in Limpopo, for which he has paid R800 000 in cash.
He also drives around in luxury cars, some of them valued at more than R1-million; sports watches that are worth more than R250 000; wears designer clothes valued at tens of thousands of rand; eats at super luxury restaurants and drinks the most expensive wines.
Malema, in his usual boorish attitude, has tried to rubbish questions about his wealth by adopting a defensive attitude. He told journalists last week: "It's none of your business... you must mind your own business."
Malema, who wants to nationalise mines and confiscate land from whites, further astonished South Africans when he said: "One of the things I have learnt in my short life in politics is the ability to live in the conditions of capitalism while fighting it and defeating it."
The tragedy of the Malema drama is that he's not the only political leader to use his position and staus to further his financial interests. It's reported that scores, if not hundreds, of political leaders at all levels in almost every corner of the country have used and are continuing to use their positions to rake in millions in cash or are funnelling into bank accounts of families, extended family members and friends.
In this mad rush to gain from capitalism while at the same time "fighting it and defeating it", the millions of the poor and the ordinary people, that Malema claims on whose behalf he has entered politics, continue to wallow in increasing poverty, unemployment and joblessness.
The Malemas have not only tarnished the heritage of Nelson Mandela and the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus, Govan Mbekis, Monty Naickers and Yusuf Dadoos but have also shredded and ripped apart their legacy.
For this travesty the Malemas must be called to account and pay. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Thursday, July 21, 2011
Nelson Mandela - a "humble servant" that many ANC leaders find difficult to emulate
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
While all of us are caught up in the euphoria of South Africa's first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, celebrating his 93 birthday on Monday, July 18, I want to take you back to the memorable day on February 11, 1990 when he was released from 27 years in prison.
Nine days earlier, the last white president of South Africa, Mr F W de Klerk, astounded South Africans and the world at large when on February 2, 1990 he made some amazing pronouncements. He first announced that the ANC, PAC and scores of other organisations would be unbanned with immediate effect and then went onto announce that the symbol of the freedom struggle, Nelson Mandela, would be released from prison unconditionally on February 11, 1990.
Hundreds of foreign and local journalists, including this correspondent, descended on Cape Town a few days earlier to witness the historic event. Scores of political activists, members of the United Democratic Front, the Release Mandela Committee and the Welcome Home Mandela Committee, headed by Cyril Ramaphosa, were also present to receive the political icon.
Soon after he was released from Victor Verster Prison, he was met by his former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, other leaders and a sea of television crews, photographers and journalists.
He was debriefed by Ramaphosa and his committee members and immediately driven to the Grand Parade in the centre of Cape Town where more than 30 000 wildly-cheering people awaited him.
He was greeted by shouts of "Viva Mandela,Viva" and the singing of freedom songs. When Mandela climbed the platform with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the huge crowd erupted into spontaneous singing, dancing and some even shedding tears of joy.
When Mandela began to address the highly-jubilant and happy crowd, he immediately adopted a conciliatory tone that was to be his political message for the rest of his political life until his retirement in 1999.
He started off by paying tribute to the people for making his release possible.
He said: "I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices has made it possible for me to be here today. I, therefore, place my remaining years of my life in your hands."
He then surprised many people in the huge crowd when he described Mr De Klerk, the white leader who made his release possible, as a "man of integrity". There were many in the huge crowd who showed their displeasure by hissing and making unkind remarks against De Klerk.
But Mandela went on.
"Mr De Klerk," the newly-released Mandela said, "has gone further than any other National Party president in taking real steps to normalise the situation".
"It must be added that Mr De Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honouring his undertaking."
At the same time, however, he called on the people not to let their guard down and to continue the political struggles until South Africa was free. But he made it clear that South Africa was a non-racial country and that the new South Africa should be free of racism and offer equal opportunities for all people.
In this regard, he had this message for the people: "In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I quote 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for, and to see realised. But my Lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die'."
Soon after delivering what most observors considered to be a conciliatory and all-embracing message, Mr Mandela was whisked away to the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu where he addressed the media.
In his address to the local and foreign journalists, he not only thanked the media for always promoting his release and freedom but also re-iterated that he wanted to see the creation of a new South Africa where all citizens would be treated equally without any discrimination whatsoever, where race discrmination and domination would be a thing of the past.
Mandela, thereafter, pursued the unity theme throughout the negotiations process from 1990 to 1994, and for the next five years after he was installed as the country's first democratic president after the first democratic elections on April 27, 1994.
On the day of his inauguration as president on May 9, 1994, he said:
"Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world."
And when he addressed the newly-elected democratic parliament in Cape Town on May 25, 1994, he once again emphasised the importance of building a new South Africa where all people would feel at home.
He told the new parliamentarians: "Our single most important challenge is, therefore, to help establish a social order in which the freedom of the individual will truly mean the freedom of the individual. We must construct that people-centred society of freedom in such a manner that it guarantees the political liberties and the human rights of all our citizens."
And when he formed his first democratic Government, Mandela was all-inclusive. He ensured that all the communities were represented in his Cabinet. He travelled the length and breadth of South Africa, speaking to different cultural and religious groups, re-assuring them that group and individual rights were protected in the new non-racial and democratic South Africa.
In one address in Durban in November 1994, Mandela gave an assurance that no cultural group or individual should feel insecure and that they should become part of the mainstream.
"Let us all join together regardless of the colour of our skin, the language we speak at home and the religion we confess and together do what our country and all its children cry out for to build one nation, inspired by a common patriotism and love for the rich diversity of cultures which is our common heritage."
Nelson Mandela, despite being imprisoned for 27 years and being hounded, banned and made to feel a "criminal" in the 67 years of his service to the struggles for freedom and liberty, has never wavered from this devotion to non-racialism, equality and democracy. His life has been an inspiration to all South Africans and the world at large. They are values that he had passed onto to Thabo Mbeki after only serving five years and stepping down from office in 1999.
But, unfortunately, 21 years after his release and 17 years after the ANC has been in power, many people within the ANC appear to have forgotten the ideals, values and principles that Mandela had struggled and sacrificed 67 years of his life for.
Today, it appears, it's more about how some of the people could use the organs of power to enrich themselves. They have no interest in Mr Mandela's propogation of a non-racial and democratic South Africa where all people could live in peace and harmony.
It seems Mr Mandela is a "hard act" to follow.
After his release and during his five years in office as President Mr Mandela has visited India, among other countries, on several occasions. During his visit to India in 1995, he was feted as a "Mahatma" and compared to Mahatma Gandhi because he brought freedom to South Africa just as Gandhi unchained the people of India from British colonialism.
On his 93rd birthday, it, therefore, seems appropriate that because of his role in South Africa he should be honoured by being referred to as Mahatma Mandela or "Saint" Mandela.
This is our tribute to him. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
While all of us are caught up in the euphoria of South Africa's first democratic president, Nelson Mandela, celebrating his 93 birthday on Monday, July 18, I want to take you back to the memorable day on February 11, 1990 when he was released from 27 years in prison.
Nine days earlier, the last white president of South Africa, Mr F W de Klerk, astounded South Africans and the world at large when on February 2, 1990 he made some amazing pronouncements. He first announced that the ANC, PAC and scores of other organisations would be unbanned with immediate effect and then went onto announce that the symbol of the freedom struggle, Nelson Mandela, would be released from prison unconditionally on February 11, 1990.
Hundreds of foreign and local journalists, including this correspondent, descended on Cape Town a few days earlier to witness the historic event. Scores of political activists, members of the United Democratic Front, the Release Mandela Committee and the Welcome Home Mandela Committee, headed by Cyril Ramaphosa, were also present to receive the political icon.
Soon after he was released from Victor Verster Prison, he was met by his former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, other leaders and a sea of television crews, photographers and journalists.
He was debriefed by Ramaphosa and his committee members and immediately driven to the Grand Parade in the centre of Cape Town where more than 30 000 wildly-cheering people awaited him.
He was greeted by shouts of "Viva Mandela,Viva" and the singing of freedom songs. When Mandela climbed the platform with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the huge crowd erupted into spontaneous singing, dancing and some even shedding tears of joy.
When Mandela began to address the highly-jubilant and happy crowd, he immediately adopted a conciliatory tone that was to be his political message for the rest of his political life until his retirement in 1999.
He started off by paying tribute to the people for making his release possible.
He said: "I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices has made it possible for me to be here today. I, therefore, place my remaining years of my life in your hands."
He then surprised many people in the huge crowd when he described Mr De Klerk, the white leader who made his release possible, as a "man of integrity". There were many in the huge crowd who showed their displeasure by hissing and making unkind remarks against De Klerk.
But Mandela went on.
"Mr De Klerk," the newly-released Mandela said, "has gone further than any other National Party president in taking real steps to normalise the situation".
"It must be added that Mr De Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honouring his undertaking."
At the same time, however, he called on the people not to let their guard down and to continue the political struggles until South Africa was free. But he made it clear that South Africa was a non-racial country and that the new South Africa should be free of racism and offer equal opportunities for all people.
In this regard, he had this message for the people: "In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I quote 'I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for, and to see realised. But my Lord, if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die'."
Soon after delivering what most observors considered to be a conciliatory and all-embracing message, Mr Mandela was whisked away to the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu where he addressed the media.
In his address to the local and foreign journalists, he not only thanked the media for always promoting his release and freedom but also re-iterated that he wanted to see the creation of a new South Africa where all citizens would be treated equally without any discrimination whatsoever, where race discrmination and domination would be a thing of the past.
Mandela, thereafter, pursued the unity theme throughout the negotiations process from 1990 to 1994, and for the next five years after he was installed as the country's first democratic president after the first democratic elections on April 27, 1994.
On the day of his inauguration as president on May 9, 1994, he said:
"Never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another. We enter into a covenant that we shall build a society in which all South Africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity – a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world."
And when he addressed the newly-elected democratic parliament in Cape Town on May 25, 1994, he once again emphasised the importance of building a new South Africa where all people would feel at home.
He told the new parliamentarians: "Our single most important challenge is, therefore, to help establish a social order in which the freedom of the individual will truly mean the freedom of the individual. We must construct that people-centred society of freedom in such a manner that it guarantees the political liberties and the human rights of all our citizens."
And when he formed his first democratic Government, Mandela was all-inclusive. He ensured that all the communities were represented in his Cabinet. He travelled the length and breadth of South Africa, speaking to different cultural and religious groups, re-assuring them that group and individual rights were protected in the new non-racial and democratic South Africa.
In one address in Durban in November 1994, Mandela gave an assurance that no cultural group or individual should feel insecure and that they should become part of the mainstream.
"Let us all join together regardless of the colour of our skin, the language we speak at home and the religion we confess and together do what our country and all its children cry out for to build one nation, inspired by a common patriotism and love for the rich diversity of cultures which is our common heritage."
Nelson Mandela, despite being imprisoned for 27 years and being hounded, banned and made to feel a "criminal" in the 67 years of his service to the struggles for freedom and liberty, has never wavered from this devotion to non-racialism, equality and democracy. His life has been an inspiration to all South Africans and the world at large. They are values that he had passed onto to Thabo Mbeki after only serving five years and stepping down from office in 1999.
But, unfortunately, 21 years after his release and 17 years after the ANC has been in power, many people within the ANC appear to have forgotten the ideals, values and principles that Mandela had struggled and sacrificed 67 years of his life for.
Today, it appears, it's more about how some of the people could use the organs of power to enrich themselves. They have no interest in Mr Mandela's propogation of a non-racial and democratic South Africa where all people could live in peace and harmony.
It seems Mr Mandela is a "hard act" to follow.
After his release and during his five years in office as President Mr Mandela has visited India, among other countries, on several occasions. During his visit to India in 1995, he was feted as a "Mahatma" and compared to Mahatma Gandhi because he brought freedom to South Africa just as Gandhi unchained the people of India from British colonialism.
On his 93rd birthday, it, therefore, seems appropriate that because of his role in South Africa he should be honoured by being referred to as Mahatma Mandela or "Saint" Mandela.
This is our tribute to him. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Thursday, July 14, 2011
Greater co-operation with police is needed to tackle the high crime rate
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Violent crime in South Africa has taken its toll on many families and communities over the past two decades. Almost every other family has been affected in some way or the other by brutal murders, car hijackings, house robberies, business hold-ups, cash-in-transit heists and other violent crimes.
In many instances, the killers and violent robbers have escaped scot free and victims have not been informed of whether those responsible for the dire deeds have been brought to book or not.
The new non-racial and democratic Government had at first been somewhat lax in tackling the run-away crime. But over the past decade or so, the new Government has set up a number of measures in an attempt to make residential areas and CBDs a much safer place.
One of the measures introduced was the establishment of Community Police Forums and sub structures as a means of promoting co-operation between the Police and communities to tackle the crime situation. In Tongaat, the Tongaat Community Policing Forum(TCPF) was set up together with a number of local police forums in the different residential areas.
While for some time there has been a cordial and effective working relationship between the Police and the TCPF, this harmonious relationship has now degenerated where certain officials of the TCPF and one or two so-called community leaders have embarked on a campaign to vilify and criticise the local police officers for allegedly "not doing their jobs properly".
Just last week, some of the TCPF officials and "community leaders" went on an offensive, attacking and criticising the police at a South Sector Police Forum meeting.
This estranged relationship follows the sacking of two officials on March 29 after it was found that their election on March 14 was unconstitutional. The police found that they could not serve on the TCPF because of previous "criminal convictions".
The two officials were replaced on April 4 by two other officials.
The sacked officials served a notice on the April 5 that they should be re-instated or a High Court Order would be sought. The two officials even attended a monthly meeting of the TCPF and took along with them about 60 supporters. The meeting had to be closed abruptly after the 60 supporters became disruptive.
The two officials subsequently went to the High Court which ruled that the officials should be re-instated in their positions. However, the High Court did not rule on the constitutionality of their election.
The police are still insisting that the election of the two officials are unconstitutional and, therefore, they merely want the constitution to be upheld.
This impasse has led to the local Tongaat police being vilified at every turn. The police have an unenviable task to ensure that the communities are safe from the violent criminals who roam our CBDs and the residential areas. At the moment the violent criminals are not only a threat to communities but also to the police. Since January this year alone, 48 police officers were brutally gunned down by violent criminals. Every year more than 150 police officers are killed in the line of duty.
This means that everytime the police respond to calls from members of the public they are also placing their lives at risk.
It's, therefore, imperative that there's an amicable relationship between the police and the TCPF so that the interests of the communities will be served without any fear or favour. We should not have a situation where the safety and security of tax-paying residents are compromised in any way. - Subry Govender, Editor.
(aka Subry Govender)
Violent crime in South Africa has taken its toll on many families and communities over the past two decades. Almost every other family has been affected in some way or the other by brutal murders, car hijackings, house robberies, business hold-ups, cash-in-transit heists and other violent crimes.
In many instances, the killers and violent robbers have escaped scot free and victims have not been informed of whether those responsible for the dire deeds have been brought to book or not.
The new non-racial and democratic Government had at first been somewhat lax in tackling the run-away crime. But over the past decade or so, the new Government has set up a number of measures in an attempt to make residential areas and CBDs a much safer place.
One of the measures introduced was the establishment of Community Police Forums and sub structures as a means of promoting co-operation between the Police and communities to tackle the crime situation. In Tongaat, the Tongaat Community Policing Forum(TCPF) was set up together with a number of local police forums in the different residential areas.
While for some time there has been a cordial and effective working relationship between the Police and the TCPF, this harmonious relationship has now degenerated where certain officials of the TCPF and one or two so-called community leaders have embarked on a campaign to vilify and criticise the local police officers for allegedly "not doing their jobs properly".
Just last week, some of the TCPF officials and "community leaders" went on an offensive, attacking and criticising the police at a South Sector Police Forum meeting.
This estranged relationship follows the sacking of two officials on March 29 after it was found that their election on March 14 was unconstitutional. The police found that they could not serve on the TCPF because of previous "criminal convictions".
The two officials were replaced on April 4 by two other officials.
The sacked officials served a notice on the April 5 that they should be re-instated or a High Court Order would be sought. The two officials even attended a monthly meeting of the TCPF and took along with them about 60 supporters. The meeting had to be closed abruptly after the 60 supporters became disruptive.
The two officials subsequently went to the High Court which ruled that the officials should be re-instated in their positions. However, the High Court did not rule on the constitutionality of their election.
The police are still insisting that the election of the two officials are unconstitutional and, therefore, they merely want the constitution to be upheld.
This impasse has led to the local Tongaat police being vilified at every turn. The police have an unenviable task to ensure that the communities are safe from the violent criminals who roam our CBDs and the residential areas. At the moment the violent criminals are not only a threat to communities but also to the police. Since January this year alone, 48 police officers were brutally gunned down by violent criminals. Every year more than 150 police officers are killed in the line of duty.
This means that everytime the police respond to calls from members of the public they are also placing their lives at risk.
It's, therefore, imperative that there's an amicable relationship between the police and the TCPF so that the interests of the communities will be served without any fear or favour. We should not have a situation where the safety and security of tax-paying residents are compromised in any way. - Subry Govender, Editor.
Tuesday, July 5, 2011
Rising unemployment - a ticking time-bomb?
By Marimuuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
About a week ago while walking towards our offices in Gopalal Hurbans Road, I was stopped by two young ladies who asked: "Sir, can you offer us some jobs?"
The young ladies were polite, well-spoken and bright. They also appeared to be young women who have passed their matriculation. Wanting to know more about them I asked where they were from and what kind of jobs they were interested in.
"We are from upper Tongaat and are looking for anything to do. Most of our family members are unemployed and we are having a tough time," they responded.
"We don't know what to do because wherever we go people say they don't have any vacancies."
On another occasion recently, while I was visiting the Windsor Park golf course in Durban I was approached by a middle-aged man who is employed as a supervisor at the golf course.
"Boss, boss, I wonder if you can please help me," said the man who lives in KwaMashu.
"My son finished matric in 2009 and he can't find a job. You have a lot of connections, please try to see whether you can find him a job. He will do anything. He has been looking for a job for sometime but wherever he goes people say they have no jobs.
"I don't know what to do. I am worried that he may join the wrong people."
These interactions in Tongaat and at Windsor Park serves to highlight the seriousness of unemployment in our region, province and the country in general.
Recently we had incidents in Tongaat and Verulam where local residents took to the streets to protest against contractors carrying out government jobs. They accused the contractors of not employing local labour in terms of their agreements with the government. They demanded that they should be employed and the contractors should not bring in their own people.
The situation is so acute that people looking for jobs are clearly visible almost everywhere - in town and city centres, street corners, at robots, shopping complexes, business centres and industrial bases. At most places they are faced with signs that read: "No Vacancies" or "Awukho Ntsebensi"
According to recent statistics released by Statistics South Africa, it's estimated that nearly 25 percent of people of working age or about 4,5-million are unemployed and most of the jobless are the youth.
President Jacob Zuma and his government have realised that they are sitting on a ticking "time bomb" and recently announced measures in an attempt to create jobs. President Zuma and the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, have proposed a R9-bn package dedicated to employment creation and R20-bn in incentives to manufacturing firms to create jobs.
While President Zuma and his government are trying to tackle the high unemployment rate and poverty, there seems to be a lack of consensus among role players - the government, private businesses, trade unions and the society at large - about the best way to reign in unemployment and poverty.
The incentives for manufacturing firms is a step in the right direction, but it seems that many people have lost the entrepreneurial spirit because of the labour laws that places severe restrictions on would be employers. In addition, the talk of nationalisation of mines and banks and the confiscation of land, all add to "murder" the entrepreneurial spirit among those currently in business and those who would like to pursue a career as business people.
It's clear that the government needs to encourage the entrepreneurial culture among all people instead of being held to ransom by organisations and individuals who have no idea whatsoever of how to be productive or to create jobs.
The Government needs to assist the new aspiring entrepreneurs and not the tenderpreneurs who have no vision whatsoever to create jobs, except to accumulate unbegotten wealth without expending any sweat or using their brain.
Failure to create the right conditions and climate for young and new business people to prosper and flourish and for millions of jobs to be created will be disastrous for our new non-racial democracy. The millions of jobless will not just continue to sit on the roadsides and twiddle their thumbs without becoming frustrated. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
About a week ago while walking towards our offices in Gopalal Hurbans Road, I was stopped by two young ladies who asked: "Sir, can you offer us some jobs?"
The young ladies were polite, well-spoken and bright. They also appeared to be young women who have passed their matriculation. Wanting to know more about them I asked where they were from and what kind of jobs they were interested in.
"We are from upper Tongaat and are looking for anything to do. Most of our family members are unemployed and we are having a tough time," they responded.
"We don't know what to do because wherever we go people say they don't have any vacancies."
On another occasion recently, while I was visiting the Windsor Park golf course in Durban I was approached by a middle-aged man who is employed as a supervisor at the golf course.
"Boss, boss, I wonder if you can please help me," said the man who lives in KwaMashu.
"My son finished matric in 2009 and he can't find a job. You have a lot of connections, please try to see whether you can find him a job. He will do anything. He has been looking for a job for sometime but wherever he goes people say they have no jobs.
"I don't know what to do. I am worried that he may join the wrong people."
These interactions in Tongaat and at Windsor Park serves to highlight the seriousness of unemployment in our region, province and the country in general.
Recently we had incidents in Tongaat and Verulam where local residents took to the streets to protest against contractors carrying out government jobs. They accused the contractors of not employing local labour in terms of their agreements with the government. They demanded that they should be employed and the contractors should not bring in their own people.
The situation is so acute that people looking for jobs are clearly visible almost everywhere - in town and city centres, street corners, at robots, shopping complexes, business centres and industrial bases. At most places they are faced with signs that read: "No Vacancies" or "Awukho Ntsebensi"
According to recent statistics released by Statistics South Africa, it's estimated that nearly 25 percent of people of working age or about 4,5-million are unemployed and most of the jobless are the youth.
President Jacob Zuma and his government have realised that they are sitting on a ticking "time bomb" and recently announced measures in an attempt to create jobs. President Zuma and the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, have proposed a R9-bn package dedicated to employment creation and R20-bn in incentives to manufacturing firms to create jobs.
While President Zuma and his government are trying to tackle the high unemployment rate and poverty, there seems to be a lack of consensus among role players - the government, private businesses, trade unions and the society at large - about the best way to reign in unemployment and poverty.
The incentives for manufacturing firms is a step in the right direction, but it seems that many people have lost the entrepreneurial spirit because of the labour laws that places severe restrictions on would be employers. In addition, the talk of nationalisation of mines and banks and the confiscation of land, all add to "murder" the entrepreneurial spirit among those currently in business and those who would like to pursue a career as business people.
It's clear that the government needs to encourage the entrepreneurial culture among all people instead of being held to ransom by organisations and individuals who have no idea whatsoever of how to be productive or to create jobs.
The Government needs to assist the new aspiring entrepreneurs and not the tenderpreneurs who have no vision whatsoever to create jobs, except to accumulate unbegotten wealth without expending any sweat or using their brain.
Failure to create the right conditions and climate for young and new business people to prosper and flourish and for millions of jobs to be created will be disastrous for our new non-racial democracy. The millions of jobless will not just continue to sit on the roadsides and twiddle their thumbs without becoming frustrated. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Monday, June 27, 2011
Professor Kader Asmal leaves a void that will be difficult to fill
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Another great South African who spoke out strongly and without any fear till his last moments to protect the struggle principles and values that the ANC and others had fought and died for is no longer with us.
Professor Kader Asmal, who was born and went to school in KwaDukuza(formerly Stanger), passed away at the age of 76 in Cape Town on Wednesday, June 22. His death follows that of veteran women leader, Mrs Albertina Sisulu, who passed away on June 2 at the age of 92.
Professor Asmal, who was not a practising religionist, was cremated in Cape Town on Saturday, June 25, in a private family ceremony. The ANC has decided to honour him by holding two memorials - one in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg - after the official state ceremony in Cape Town on Thursday, June 30.
Professor Asmal, who served as Minister of Water Affairs and Minister of Education under the presidency of Mr Nelson Mandela and Mr Thabo Mbeki respectively since 1994, will be remembered as one the fearless leaders who expressed his views vociferously against any measures that threatened the non-racial and democratic constitution of the country. He also refused to be cowed down by the likes of a Julius Malema.
Only a week before his death, the former Minister chastised his organisation, the ANC, for wanting to rush through parliament the Protection of Information Bill, which he described as a measure that was so deeply flawed that it could not be fixed. He called for the bill to be scrapped. This is what he said:
"My fear or anxiety is that if the bill is forced through the ad hoc committee, people whose judgement I trust will lose faith in the democratic process."
Just over a year ago he did not mince any words when he described Julius Malema, who was re-elected leader of the ANC Youth League a fortnight ago, as a "lightning rod" who was using bullying and intimidation tactics to promote his "personal position, access and wealth".
He said: "This is corruption of the most corrosive kind and must be tackled at root. I fear we are observing our constitutional order being chiselled away to the point where we risk losing sight of the founding principles and practices of our democracy. One can see it and hear it."
And when Malema displayed his boorish attitude against a BBC reporter, Jonah Fish, during a press conference at Luthuli House in Johannesburg a few years ago, Professor Asmal wrote to the reporter apologising for the manner in which he was treated by the ANC Youth League leader.
When the elite crime busting unit, Scorpions, was scrapped after President Thabo Mbeki was forced to step down after the rantings by Malema, Professor Asmal resigned as a member of parliament after saying that he would not want to part of a process where the fight against corruption was being compromised. The Scorpions was done away with because the Zuma faction in the ANC saw the unit as being used by Mbeki to target Zuma.
Zuma was sacked as Deputy President by President Mbeki after the Durban High Court had ruled in a finding against Schabir Shaik that Shaik had paid Zuma more than R1,4-million in return for political favours and government contracts. But the Zuma faction members got their own back at the ANC's conference in Polokwane in 2007 when they ousted Mbeki as leader of the ANC.
The Scorpions was done away with when Kgalema Motlanthe served as President after Mbeki stepped down early in 2008.
When resigning as member of parliament, Professor Asmal said he saw the dissolution of the Scorpions as an attack on the constitution of the country.
Professor Asmal also did not pull any punches at a time when former President Mbeki failed to take a constructive stance in the fight against HIV-AIDs. It's understood that at a number of Cabinet meetings, Professor Asmal differed with Mbeki and spoke his mind. It was because of this that Mbeki declined to appoint Professor Asmal to a cabinet position after the third democratic elections in 2004.
Professor Asmal was not only giant in terms of promoting the values and principles of the struggle but was also an intellectual giant who gave his fellow ministers a lesson or two in how they should be handling their ministries.
Said former colleague, Essop Pahad: "He was an intellectual giant who taught many of us so much. Right until the end he remained the moral compass of both the ANC and our country on key social and moral issues."
Professor Asmal became politically conscious while still at school in Stanger and after he came under the influence of ANC stalwart and the country's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Albert Luthuli. After he matriculated, he qualified as a teacher at the former Sringfield College of Education. He taught for four years and at the same time studied for his BA at Unisa. He left the country in 1959 and studied at the London School of Economics, King’s Inns, Dublin and Lincoln’s Inn, London, where he graduated as a barrister-at-law.
During his life in exile, Professor Asmal played a very important role in the anti-apartheid struggles. He was a founder member of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960, founder and chairperson of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, from 1964 to 1990, rapporteur of UN International conferences on apartheid, Havana, Cuba in 1976; Lagos, Nigeria in 1977, and Paris, France in 1986. He was a founder and chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties from 1976 to 1991 and legal advisor to the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee(SANROC).
He was an influential member of the ANC team that negotiated the transition from white minority rule to the non-racial democratic society during the Codesa talks in 1992 and 1993. He has been a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC from 1991 to 2007. At the time of his death, he was a senior law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and served as chairperson of the Nelson Mandela Museum Council.
The former Stanger lad was a "moral compass" in more ways than one and an INSPIRATION to all South Africans.
In one of his final interviews just before his death he said he was influenced by Dr Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, among others.
"Despite the negatives there was hope. The country should take into account that there was the marginalised, the poor, and the deprived. Leaders should work to uplift their lives, instead of trying to enrich those who are already in comfortable positions. We ignore the disadvantaged at our own peril."
It's hoped that Professor Asmal's life will be a lesson for many of the current lot of politicians who claim to be working for a better life for all South Africans. Professor Asmal leaves a void that will be very difficult to fill, especially at a time when most former activists don't have the guts to stand up to the Malemas and others who want to trample the NON-RACIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY that came into being in April 1994 after decades of struggle and sacrifice. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor.
(aka Subry Govender)
Another great South African who spoke out strongly and without any fear till his last moments to protect the struggle principles and values that the ANC and others had fought and died for is no longer with us.
Professor Kader Asmal, who was born and went to school in KwaDukuza(formerly Stanger), passed away at the age of 76 in Cape Town on Wednesday, June 22. His death follows that of veteran women leader, Mrs Albertina Sisulu, who passed away on June 2 at the age of 92.
Professor Asmal, who was not a practising religionist, was cremated in Cape Town on Saturday, June 25, in a private family ceremony. The ANC has decided to honour him by holding two memorials - one in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg - after the official state ceremony in Cape Town on Thursday, June 30.
Professor Asmal, who served as Minister of Water Affairs and Minister of Education under the presidency of Mr Nelson Mandela and Mr Thabo Mbeki respectively since 1994, will be remembered as one the fearless leaders who expressed his views vociferously against any measures that threatened the non-racial and democratic constitution of the country. He also refused to be cowed down by the likes of a Julius Malema.
Only a week before his death, the former Minister chastised his organisation, the ANC, for wanting to rush through parliament the Protection of Information Bill, which he described as a measure that was so deeply flawed that it could not be fixed. He called for the bill to be scrapped. This is what he said:
"My fear or anxiety is that if the bill is forced through the ad hoc committee, people whose judgement I trust will lose faith in the democratic process."
Just over a year ago he did not mince any words when he described Julius Malema, who was re-elected leader of the ANC Youth League a fortnight ago, as a "lightning rod" who was using bullying and intimidation tactics to promote his "personal position, access and wealth".
He said: "This is corruption of the most corrosive kind and must be tackled at root. I fear we are observing our constitutional order being chiselled away to the point where we risk losing sight of the founding principles and practices of our democracy. One can see it and hear it."
And when Malema displayed his boorish attitude against a BBC reporter, Jonah Fish, during a press conference at Luthuli House in Johannesburg a few years ago, Professor Asmal wrote to the reporter apologising for the manner in which he was treated by the ANC Youth League leader.
When the elite crime busting unit, Scorpions, was scrapped after President Thabo Mbeki was forced to step down after the rantings by Malema, Professor Asmal resigned as a member of parliament after saying that he would not want to part of a process where the fight against corruption was being compromised. The Scorpions was done away with because the Zuma faction in the ANC saw the unit as being used by Mbeki to target Zuma.
Zuma was sacked as Deputy President by President Mbeki after the Durban High Court had ruled in a finding against Schabir Shaik that Shaik had paid Zuma more than R1,4-million in return for political favours and government contracts. But the Zuma faction members got their own back at the ANC's conference in Polokwane in 2007 when they ousted Mbeki as leader of the ANC.
The Scorpions was done away with when Kgalema Motlanthe served as President after Mbeki stepped down early in 2008.
When resigning as member of parliament, Professor Asmal said he saw the dissolution of the Scorpions as an attack on the constitution of the country.
Professor Asmal also did not pull any punches at a time when former President Mbeki failed to take a constructive stance in the fight against HIV-AIDs. It's understood that at a number of Cabinet meetings, Professor Asmal differed with Mbeki and spoke his mind. It was because of this that Mbeki declined to appoint Professor Asmal to a cabinet position after the third democratic elections in 2004.
Professor Asmal was not only giant in terms of promoting the values and principles of the struggle but was also an intellectual giant who gave his fellow ministers a lesson or two in how they should be handling their ministries.
Said former colleague, Essop Pahad: "He was an intellectual giant who taught many of us so much. Right until the end he remained the moral compass of both the ANC and our country on key social and moral issues."
Professor Asmal became politically conscious while still at school in Stanger and after he came under the influence of ANC stalwart and the country's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Albert Luthuli. After he matriculated, he qualified as a teacher at the former Sringfield College of Education. He taught for four years and at the same time studied for his BA at Unisa. He left the country in 1959 and studied at the London School of Economics, King’s Inns, Dublin and Lincoln’s Inn, London, where he graduated as a barrister-at-law.
During his life in exile, Professor Asmal played a very important role in the anti-apartheid struggles. He was a founder member of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960, founder and chairperson of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, from 1964 to 1990, rapporteur of UN International conferences on apartheid, Havana, Cuba in 1976; Lagos, Nigeria in 1977, and Paris, France in 1986. He was a founder and chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties from 1976 to 1991 and legal advisor to the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee(SANROC).
He was an influential member of the ANC team that negotiated the transition from white minority rule to the non-racial democratic society during the Codesa talks in 1992 and 1993. He has been a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC from 1991 to 2007. At the time of his death, he was a senior law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and served as chairperson of the Nelson Mandela Museum Council.
The former Stanger lad was a "moral compass" in more ways than one and an INSPIRATION to all South Africans.
In one of his final interviews just before his death he said he was influenced by Dr Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, among others.
"Despite the negatives there was hope. The country should take into account that there was the marginalised, the poor, and the deprived. Leaders should work to uplift their lives, instead of trying to enrich those who are already in comfortable positions. We ignore the disadvantaged at our own peril."
It's hoped that Professor Asmal's life will be a lesson for many of the current lot of politicians who claim to be working for a better life for all South Africans. Professor Asmal leaves a void that will be very difficult to fill, especially at a time when most former activists don't have the guts to stand up to the Malemas and others who want to trample the NON-RACIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY that came into being in April 1994 after decades of struggle and sacrifice. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor.
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