By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Another great South African who spoke out strongly and without any fear till his last moments to protect the struggle principles and values that the ANC and others had fought and died for is no longer with us.
Professor Kader Asmal, who was born and went to school in KwaDukuza(formerly Stanger), passed away at the age of 76 in Cape Town on Wednesday, June 22. His death follows that of veteran women leader, Mrs Albertina Sisulu, who passed away on June 2 at the age of 92.
Professor Asmal, who was not a practising religionist, was cremated in Cape Town on Saturday, June 25, in a private family ceremony. The ANC has decided to honour him by holding two memorials - one in Cape Town and one in Johannesburg - after the official state ceremony in Cape Town on Thursday, June 30.
Professor Asmal, who served as Minister of Water Affairs and Minister of Education under the presidency of Mr Nelson Mandela and Mr Thabo Mbeki respectively since 1994, will be remembered as one the fearless leaders who expressed his views vociferously against any measures that threatened the non-racial and democratic constitution of the country. He also refused to be cowed down by the likes of a Julius Malema.
Only a week before his death, the former Minister chastised his organisation, the ANC, for wanting to rush through parliament the Protection of Information Bill, which he described as a measure that was so deeply flawed that it could not be fixed. He called for the bill to be scrapped. This is what he said:
"My fear or anxiety is that if the bill is forced through the ad hoc committee, people whose judgement I trust will lose faith in the democratic process."
Just over a year ago he did not mince any words when he described Julius Malema, who was re-elected leader of the ANC Youth League a fortnight ago, as a "lightning rod" who was using bullying and intimidation tactics to promote his "personal position, access and wealth".
He said: "This is corruption of the most corrosive kind and must be tackled at root. I fear we are observing our constitutional order being chiselled away to the point where we risk losing sight of the founding principles and practices of our democracy. One can see it and hear it."
And when Malema displayed his boorish attitude against a BBC reporter, Jonah Fish, during a press conference at Luthuli House in Johannesburg a few years ago, Professor Asmal wrote to the reporter apologising for the manner in which he was treated by the ANC Youth League leader.
When the elite crime busting unit, Scorpions, was scrapped after President Thabo Mbeki was forced to step down after the rantings by Malema, Professor Asmal resigned as a member of parliament after saying that he would not want to part of a process where the fight against corruption was being compromised. The Scorpions was done away with because the Zuma faction in the ANC saw the unit as being used by Mbeki to target Zuma.
Zuma was sacked as Deputy President by President Mbeki after the Durban High Court had ruled in a finding against Schabir Shaik that Shaik had paid Zuma more than R1,4-million in return for political favours and government contracts. But the Zuma faction members got their own back at the ANC's conference in Polokwane in 2007 when they ousted Mbeki as leader of the ANC.
The Scorpions was done away with when Kgalema Motlanthe served as President after Mbeki stepped down early in 2008.
When resigning as member of parliament, Professor Asmal said he saw the dissolution of the Scorpions as an attack on the constitution of the country.
Professor Asmal also did not pull any punches at a time when former President Mbeki failed to take a constructive stance in the fight against HIV-AIDs. It's understood that at a number of Cabinet meetings, Professor Asmal differed with Mbeki and spoke his mind. It was because of this that Mbeki declined to appoint Professor Asmal to a cabinet position after the third democratic elections in 2004.
Professor Asmal was not only giant in terms of promoting the values and principles of the struggle but was also an intellectual giant who gave his fellow ministers a lesson or two in how they should be handling their ministries.
Said former colleague, Essop Pahad: "He was an intellectual giant who taught many of us so much. Right until the end he remained the moral compass of both the ANC and our country on key social and moral issues."
Professor Asmal became politically conscious while still at school in Stanger and after he came under the influence of ANC stalwart and the country's first Nobel Peace Prize winner, Dr Albert Luthuli. After he matriculated, he qualified as a teacher at the former Sringfield College of Education. He taught for four years and at the same time studied for his BA at Unisa. He left the country in 1959 and studied at the London School of Economics, King’s Inns, Dublin and Lincoln’s Inn, London, where he graduated as a barrister-at-law.
During his life in exile, Professor Asmal played a very important role in the anti-apartheid struggles. He was a founder member of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1960, founder and chairperson of the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement, from 1964 to 1990, rapporteur of UN International conferences on apartheid, Havana, Cuba in 1976; Lagos, Nigeria in 1977, and Paris, France in 1986. He was a founder and chairperson of the Irish Council for Civil Liberties from 1976 to 1991 and legal advisor to the South African Non-Racial Olympic Committee(SANROC).
He was an influential member of the ANC team that negotiated the transition from white minority rule to the non-racial democratic society during the Codesa talks in 1992 and 1993. He has been a member of the National Executive Committee of the ANC from 1991 to 2007. At the time of his death, he was a senior law lecturer at the University of Cape Town and served as chairperson of the Nelson Mandela Museum Council.
The former Stanger lad was a "moral compass" in more ways than one and an INSPIRATION to all South Africans.
In one of his final interviews just before his death he said he was influenced by Dr Albert Luthuli, Oliver Tambo, Yusuf Dadoo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki and Nelson Mandela, among others.
"Despite the negatives there was hope. The country should take into account that there was the marginalised, the poor, and the deprived. Leaders should work to uplift their lives, instead of trying to enrich those who are already in comfortable positions. We ignore the disadvantaged at our own peril."
It's hoped that Professor Asmal's life will be a lesson for many of the current lot of politicians who claim to be working for a better life for all South Africans. Professor Asmal leaves a void that will be very difficult to fill, especially at a time when most former activists don't have the guts to stand up to the Malemas and others who want to trample the NON-RACIAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY that came into being in April 1994 after decades of struggle and sacrifice. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor.
Monday, June 27, 2011
Sunday, June 26, 2011
South Africa on the Zimbabwe route if Julius Malema has his way
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
At a time when South Africans were observing the 35th anniversary of the June 16 uprisings by the youth of Soweto, the country was awash with the political rhetoric emanating from the ANC Youth League conference in Johannesburg.
The ANC Youth League leader, Julius Malema, who was re-elected president of the League, and some of his fellow leaders gave the impression that they were not the followers of the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus and the Nelson Mandelas but instead the followers of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.
One of the women leaders set the tone for a "Mugabe" atmosphere when she shouted: "Viva Julius Malema, Viva", "Viva the ANC, Viva", "Viva nationalisation of mines, Viva", "Viva land confiscation, Viva", "Viva transfer of economic power,Viva" and "Viva Africa for Africans, Viva".
Then came the saviour of the "black majority", Julius Malema, when he also followed the "Mugabe" line in his address by demanding that the Government must take radical steps to transfer the economy from the white minority to the black majority.
He made his demands in the presence of President Jacob Zuma.
After the woman leader and Malema captured the attention of the delegates, the conference, on the final day on Sunday, adopted Malema's demands without any dissension. These include:
* The expropriation of land from white farmers without compensation;
* The nationalisation of the country's mines;
* The nationalisation of banks; and
* The radical transfer of the economy into the hands of the black majority.
There's nothing wrong in a non-racial and democratic society like ours that role players have their say about the manner in which they would like the country to transform.
But what's of concern is that some of the actions and the talk at the Youth conference poses a direct challenge to the non-racial and democratic principles and ideals that many people had fought and died for. The demands about nationalisation and the confiscation of land without compensation are also worrying when one takes into account what has happened to the economy of Zimbabwe after Mugabe chased out the farmers and grabbed control of the economy.
Does Malema and his bunch of cronies want South Africa to descend and deteriorate to that level as well?
Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world and it will not work in South Africa as well.
For example, immediately after India gained its independence in 1947, the new leaders, including the first Prime Minister Jahawarlall Nehru, introduced a number of nationalisation measures in an attempt at what they saw as a panacea to overcome the poverty of the teeming masses.
Some of the measures included a number of state-run factories and hotels. After some time these institutions deteriorated to such an extent that the Government had to re-think its policies and instead promote the privatisation of state institutions and a free economy. It was because of these measures over the past 20 years that India has grown today to become one of the world's biggest industrial and economic powers.
In our instance, it's become a matter of urgency that President Zuma and other leaders must take Malema and the other "youth league" bright sparks by the scruff of their collars and make it clear that we cannot repeat the mistakes of countries that adopted "nationalisation" policies. They must also inform Malema and his "loud mouths" that South Africa belongs "to all who live in it" and that no one should be made to feel that they are not part of the non-racial society.
Malema's diatribe will only serve to drive out millions more out of the country and prevent foreign nationals from investing in our country. We need foreign investors for the creation of much-needed jobs, to fight poverty and to promote the well-being of all South Africans.
Already many South Africans are having doubts about the future of our country if the types of Malema and his fellow "leaders" have their way. They say that in 10 to 15 years South Africa will be reduced to another "Zimbabwe" if the likes of Malema are not wrapped around the knuckles by President Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, and other leaders.
Most people want to know why is Malema not being stopped in his tracks? They believe that Malema and the other "motor mouth" youth leaders will disappear into the sunset if they are told in no uncertain terms to mind their words and watch their steps.
One of those who has spoken out is veteran ANC leader, Ben Turok, who has warned that Malema's "demagogy" is a threat to the "non-racial" principles of the ANC.
Said Turok: "This demagogy constitutes the greatest threat, not just to our electoral performance, but also to our hard-won democratic achievements as a country in general. On top of these tendencies come the crude references to race by a few senior personalities in the movement and government. These tend to reinforce the perception that we are moving away from an African majority non-racial society towards a Black Republic."
- Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
At a time when South Africans were observing the 35th anniversary of the June 16 uprisings by the youth of Soweto, the country was awash with the political rhetoric emanating from the ANC Youth League conference in Johannesburg.
The ANC Youth League leader, Julius Malema, who was re-elected president of the League, and some of his fellow leaders gave the impression that they were not the followers of the Oliver Tambos, Walter Sisulus and the Nelson Mandelas but instead the followers of Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe.
One of the women leaders set the tone for a "Mugabe" atmosphere when she shouted: "Viva Julius Malema, Viva", "Viva the ANC, Viva", "Viva nationalisation of mines, Viva", "Viva land confiscation, Viva", "Viva transfer of economic power,Viva" and "Viva Africa for Africans, Viva".
Then came the saviour of the "black majority", Julius Malema, when he also followed the "Mugabe" line in his address by demanding that the Government must take radical steps to transfer the economy from the white minority to the black majority.
He made his demands in the presence of President Jacob Zuma.
After the woman leader and Malema captured the attention of the delegates, the conference, on the final day on Sunday, adopted Malema's demands without any dissension. These include:
* The expropriation of land from white farmers without compensation;
* The nationalisation of the country's mines;
* The nationalisation of banks; and
* The radical transfer of the economy into the hands of the black majority.
There's nothing wrong in a non-racial and democratic society like ours that role players have their say about the manner in which they would like the country to transform.
But what's of concern is that some of the actions and the talk at the Youth conference poses a direct challenge to the non-racial and democratic principles and ideals that many people had fought and died for. The demands about nationalisation and the confiscation of land without compensation are also worrying when one takes into account what has happened to the economy of Zimbabwe after Mugabe chased out the farmers and grabbed control of the economy.
Does Malema and his bunch of cronies want South Africa to descend and deteriorate to that level as well?
Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world and it will not work in South Africa as well.
For example, immediately after India gained its independence in 1947, the new leaders, including the first Prime Minister Jahawarlall Nehru, introduced a number of nationalisation measures in an attempt at what they saw as a panacea to overcome the poverty of the teeming masses.
Some of the measures included a number of state-run factories and hotels. After some time these institutions deteriorated to such an extent that the Government had to re-think its policies and instead promote the privatisation of state institutions and a free economy. It was because of these measures over the past 20 years that India has grown today to become one of the world's biggest industrial and economic powers.
In our instance, it's become a matter of urgency that President Zuma and other leaders must take Malema and the other "youth league" bright sparks by the scruff of their collars and make it clear that we cannot repeat the mistakes of countries that adopted "nationalisation" policies. They must also inform Malema and his "loud mouths" that South Africa belongs "to all who live in it" and that no one should be made to feel that they are not part of the non-racial society.
Malema's diatribe will only serve to drive out millions more out of the country and prevent foreign nationals from investing in our country. We need foreign investors for the creation of much-needed jobs, to fight poverty and to promote the well-being of all South Africans.
Already many South Africans are having doubts about the future of our country if the types of Malema and his fellow "leaders" have their way. They say that in 10 to 15 years South Africa will be reduced to another "Zimbabwe" if the likes of Malema are not wrapped around the knuckles by President Zuma, Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe, and other leaders.
Most people want to know why is Malema not being stopped in his tracks? They believe that Malema and the other "motor mouth" youth leaders will disappear into the sunset if they are told in no uncertain terms to mind their words and watch their steps.
One of those who has spoken out is veteran ANC leader, Ben Turok, who has warned that Malema's "demagogy" is a threat to the "non-racial" principles of the ANC.
Said Turok: "This demagogy constitutes the greatest threat, not just to our electoral performance, but also to our hard-won democratic achievements as a country in general. On top of these tendencies come the crude references to race by a few senior personalities in the movement and government. These tend to reinforce the perception that we are moving away from an African majority non-racial society towards a Black Republic."
- Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Saturday, June 11, 2011
New media proposals before parliament are against the freedom of the media that struggle journalists and the ANC fought for
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
"Freedom of the media, which is the essence of democracy, will flourish in our country. We will feel deprived if we had a press that does not consider itself independent and free to criticise the action of public figures." These noble and gallant words were expressed by no less a leader than former President and former leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, when addressing local and foreign journalists in Johannesburg only a few days before the country's first democratic elections on April 27 1994.
Mandela added: "We need a Government that puts people first. The ANC will strive for an open society. Democracy means more than just a vote, it means vigorous debate. People must be free to express their views without fear, including criticising the Government of the day."
The independent and free media that Mandela talked about was enshrined in our new constiion when the ANC was elected to power 17 years ago. South Africans had been assured that the new democracy will promote the growth of a free, unhibited and vibrant media.
It would be unlike the media of the apartheid era when scores of progressives journalists had to pay a heavy price in the struggles for a free media. Former Defence Minister, Charles Nqakula; Press Ombudsman Joe Thloloe; former SABC CEO Zwelike Sisulu; Mathatha Tseudu; Juby Mayet; Philip Mthimkulu and the writer were just some of the scores of media people who had been jailed, banned and house-arrested, harrassed and intimidated and denied passports between the 1970s and late 1980s for fighting for media freedom.
For most of the past 17 years there's no doubt whatsoever that we as journalists have enjoyed the privilege of operating without any restrictions, curbs or threats.
But over the past few years some ruling members and politicians have tried to "stifle" the media with threats and other forms of intimidation.
Some of the new politicians even used to telephone editors and journalists to influence them to cover their progammes and speeches. They wanted journalists to be their "PROs".
Some of the politicians did not take kindly to the reportage of the widespread corruption which unfortunately has become part and parcel of our new South African democracy. One politician in the Eastern Cape recently even called on people to burn down a local newspaper because he saw the newspaper as not being supportive of the ruling party.
Therefore, the new measures, the Protection of Information Bill and the Media Appeals Tribunal, that the Government and the ruling ANC are now trying to push through parliament with undue haste have come as no surprise.
But for "struggle" leaders like Mandela and others, the new moves will not only be a surprise but also a painful and shocking development.
At this period it is worth recalling the high regard in which Mandela and others had held the media in. Only a day after he was released from prison on February 11, 1990, Mandela addressed the media at the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in Cape Town. He not only acknowledged the role the media played in his freedom and that of others but also congratulated them for their work.
"I want to assure you," he said, "that I am absolutely excited to be out".
He went on: "I am also excited to have the opportunity of addressing you because throughout these difficult years in prison the press, both local and foreign, had been a brick to us.
"I think it was the intention of the Government that we should be forgotten and that their leaders - leaders of the homelands and the bantustans and all those who work within Government structures - should be built up and that we should be forgotten.
"It was the press that kept the memory of those who had been in prison for offences which they had committed in the course of their political activities. It was the press that never forgot us and therefore we are indebted to you and I am happy to be here this morning with you."
Over the next few years during his travels around the country and to many parts of the world, Mandela ensured that he always maintained a cordial relationship with journalists and regularly engaged in jovial exchanges. He never forgot to compliment the media whenever the need arose.
"Being followed around by competent journalists and asked questions all the time keeps us on our toes," he once told journalists at a media briefing in Johannesburg.
But at the same time he also stood his ground when he disagreed with questions posed by journalists. He always did this without ever trying to give the impression that he wanted journalists to "toe the line" and stop asking awkward and difficult questions.
"Journalists have threatened that they are going to ask me awkward questions and I hope there are very good journalists who would protect me," he said once in early 1994.
"As foreign correspondents you will experience from your own perspective the difficulties of transition to a democratic South Africa. We have just three months before South Africa's first democratic elections. The future hold many exciting prospects for South Africa."
Now with Mandela and other leaders out of the way, there are some, not the majority, who pay very little value to a free and unbridled media in a democracy.
These elements must be reminded that a free, unfettered, courageous and vibrant media is the only guarantor of the continuation of our new hard-fought and earned non-racial democracy.
Therefore, despite the freedom of the media being guaranteed in our constitution, journalists must take up the cudgels and not stop until the powers that be remove the new Protection of the Information Bill and the ANC discards the Media Appeals Tribunal. There could be discussions about the Media Appeals Tribunal but we cannot allow a statutory tribunal that is going to be made up of government-appointed "party hacks" and other "hangers on". The campaign against the two measures must continue even if journalists have to go to jail once again in defence of the "freedom of the media" that Nelson Mandela talked about after being released in 1990 from nearly three decades of imprisonment.
South Africans must realise that at one time after Zimbabwe gained its independence in 1980 that country also enjoyed freedom of the press. But after President Robert Mugabe began to interfere and made the media a "mouthpiece" of his regime, one could see what has happened to the media there.
The measures now being promoted by the Government and the ANC may be the start of our media also travelling that route and becoming a "pliant" and "toothless" institution.
One is compelled to ask the question: What are some of the leaders and officials of the ruling ANC and the Government afraid of? We are not at war with any country nor anyone intending to attack our country for our gold and diamonds!
We are only at war with widescale fraud, corruption, thievery and other misdeeds at local, provincial and national government levels. The ANC and the Government must realise that if we don't expose these misdeeds then we will only be violating the freedom of expression and freedom of the media that all of us, including the ANC, fought for and won. Why should socially-conscious journalists be sent to lengthy jail terms if they expose corruption and other misdeeds committed by elected political leaders and government officials? The proposed new media regulations now before parliament will, once it becomes law, allow the Government not only to hide official corruption but also to jail courageous journalists who are not prepared to "toe the line". - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
"Freedom of the media, which is the essence of democracy, will flourish in our country. We will feel deprived if we had a press that does not consider itself independent and free to criticise the action of public figures." These noble and gallant words were expressed by no less a leader than former President and former leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, when addressing local and foreign journalists in Johannesburg only a few days before the country's first democratic elections on April 27 1994.
Mandela added: "We need a Government that puts people first. The ANC will strive for an open society. Democracy means more than just a vote, it means vigorous debate. People must be free to express their views without fear, including criticising the Government of the day."
The independent and free media that Mandela talked about was enshrined in our new constiion when the ANC was elected to power 17 years ago. South Africans had been assured that the new democracy will promote the growth of a free, unhibited and vibrant media.
It would be unlike the media of the apartheid era when scores of progressives journalists had to pay a heavy price in the struggles for a free media. Former Defence Minister, Charles Nqakula; Press Ombudsman Joe Thloloe; former SABC CEO Zwelike Sisulu; Mathatha Tseudu; Juby Mayet; Philip Mthimkulu and the writer were just some of the scores of media people who had been jailed, banned and house-arrested, harrassed and intimidated and denied passports between the 1970s and late 1980s for fighting for media freedom.
For most of the past 17 years there's no doubt whatsoever that we as journalists have enjoyed the privilege of operating without any restrictions, curbs or threats.
But over the past few years some ruling members and politicians have tried to "stifle" the media with threats and other forms of intimidation.
Some of the new politicians even used to telephone editors and journalists to influence them to cover their progammes and speeches. They wanted journalists to be their "PROs".
Some of the politicians did not take kindly to the reportage of the widespread corruption which unfortunately has become part and parcel of our new South African democracy. One politician in the Eastern Cape recently even called on people to burn down a local newspaper because he saw the newspaper as not being supportive of the ruling party.
Therefore, the new measures, the Protection of Information Bill and the Media Appeals Tribunal, that the Government and the ruling ANC are now trying to push through parliament with undue haste have come as no surprise.
But for "struggle" leaders like Mandela and others, the new moves will not only be a surprise but also a painful and shocking development.
At this period it is worth recalling the high regard in which Mandela and others had held the media in. Only a day after he was released from prison on February 11, 1990, Mandela addressed the media at the home of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in Cape Town. He not only acknowledged the role the media played in his freedom and that of others but also congratulated them for their work.
"I want to assure you," he said, "that I am absolutely excited to be out".
He went on: "I am also excited to have the opportunity of addressing you because throughout these difficult years in prison the press, both local and foreign, had been a brick to us.
"I think it was the intention of the Government that we should be forgotten and that their leaders - leaders of the homelands and the bantustans and all those who work within Government structures - should be built up and that we should be forgotten.
"It was the press that kept the memory of those who had been in prison for offences which they had committed in the course of their political activities. It was the press that never forgot us and therefore we are indebted to you and I am happy to be here this morning with you."
Over the next few years during his travels around the country and to many parts of the world, Mandela ensured that he always maintained a cordial relationship with journalists and regularly engaged in jovial exchanges. He never forgot to compliment the media whenever the need arose.
"Being followed around by competent journalists and asked questions all the time keeps us on our toes," he once told journalists at a media briefing in Johannesburg.
But at the same time he also stood his ground when he disagreed with questions posed by journalists. He always did this without ever trying to give the impression that he wanted journalists to "toe the line" and stop asking awkward and difficult questions.
"Journalists have threatened that they are going to ask me awkward questions and I hope there are very good journalists who would protect me," he said once in early 1994.
"As foreign correspondents you will experience from your own perspective the difficulties of transition to a democratic South Africa. We have just three months before South Africa's first democratic elections. The future hold many exciting prospects for South Africa."
Now with Mandela and other leaders out of the way, there are some, not the majority, who pay very little value to a free and unbridled media in a democracy.
These elements must be reminded that a free, unfettered, courageous and vibrant media is the only guarantor of the continuation of our new hard-fought and earned non-racial democracy.
Therefore, despite the freedom of the media being guaranteed in our constitution, journalists must take up the cudgels and not stop until the powers that be remove the new Protection of the Information Bill and the ANC discards the Media Appeals Tribunal. There could be discussions about the Media Appeals Tribunal but we cannot allow a statutory tribunal that is going to be made up of government-appointed "party hacks" and other "hangers on". The campaign against the two measures must continue even if journalists have to go to jail once again in defence of the "freedom of the media" that Nelson Mandela talked about after being released in 1990 from nearly three decades of imprisonment.
South Africans must realise that at one time after Zimbabwe gained its independence in 1980 that country also enjoyed freedom of the press. But after President Robert Mugabe began to interfere and made the media a "mouthpiece" of his regime, one could see what has happened to the media there.
The measures now being promoted by the Government and the ANC may be the start of our media also travelling that route and becoming a "pliant" and "toothless" institution.
One is compelled to ask the question: What are some of the leaders and officials of the ruling ANC and the Government afraid of? We are not at war with any country nor anyone intending to attack our country for our gold and diamonds!
We are only at war with widescale fraud, corruption, thievery and other misdeeds at local, provincial and national government levels. The ANC and the Government must realise that if we don't expose these misdeeds then we will only be violating the freedom of expression and freedom of the media that all of us, including the ANC, fought for and won. Why should socially-conscious journalists be sent to lengthy jail terms if they expose corruption and other misdeeds committed by elected political leaders and government officials? The proposed new media regulations now before parliament will, once it becomes law, allow the Government not only to hide official corruption but also to jail courageous journalists who are not prepared to "toe the line". - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Councillors should be held accountable
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Now that the 2011 Local Government elections have been finalised and dusted, the real work begins. But whether the elected and PR councillors will deliver is another matter altogether.
In our interaction with ratepayers and residents prior to the elections, we have found that their concerns vary from area to area. For those living in informal settlements their main concerns revolve around provision of decent housing and facilities such as electricity, sanitation, proper roads, health care, proper schools, refuse removal and lack of sports grounds.
For those in townships and well-endowed suburbs their concerns are mainly about the upgrading of CBDs in towns such as Tongaat and Verulam, maintenance of sports grounds and open spaces, clean streets and verges, a clean environment, and tackling the high crime rate.
Soon after the election results were announced, President Jacob Zuma informed the successful elected councillors that they would have to commit themselves to uplifting the lives of people and attending to the civic and social problems in their wards and councils.
He warned that those who fail in their duties would be flushed out.
"Councillors must be accountable," he stressed.
The elected and PR councillors in the major Metros such as eThekwini, Johannesburg, Pretoria and Cape Town are paid huge salaries and perks. For instance in eThekwini, councillors are reported to earn as much as R350 000 a year. In any language, this salary is way too extravagant and excessive for many of the councillors when compared to the amount of work they really carry out on behalf of the people.
Except for a few committed councillors, for most their cosy work is not only about earning "easy money" but also to enrich themselves, their families and friends through tenders and other means. For them the concerns and problems of the people they are supposed to represent at local government level take second place. For them they have not heard of evils such as corruption, fraud, bribery, thievery and nepotism.
One of the councillors who appears to have some conscience is unfortunately not situated in our region. He is Mr Tony Ehrenreich, the secretary of Coastu in the Western Cape who stood as the ANC's mayoral candidate in Cape Town. Asked about his dual role as a trade union leader and councillor, he had this to say:
"I will not accept my councillor's salary in the traditional manner. As long as I'm still in Cosatu I will put the salary in a trust fund and use it to advance workers."
Although Ehrenreich did not say that he would not accept any salary as a councillor, the fact that he would not accept "two salaries" at the same time is an indication of his commitment to serving the people.
The fiery leader also appeared to know his priorities as a councillor, unlike the leeches we find in eThekwini and other municipalities. He made it clear that the rates collected should be used to address the needs of Cape Town's entire population. He would especially work to promote the concerns of the poor.
"We want to make sure we raise our points that the budget doesn't reject the urgent needs of poor communities."
Oh, how I wish we had the quality of an Ehrenreich in eThekwini. Let's sincerely hope the Tony Ehrenreichs are not a dying breed.
For those in our midst who don't qualify as a "Tony Ehrenreich", let's hope that they will at least try to be clean, honest, sincere and committed to serving the people in their wards. If not, they should be "flushed out" as promised by President Zuma. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
Now that the 2011 Local Government elections have been finalised and dusted, the real work begins. But whether the elected and PR councillors will deliver is another matter altogether.
In our interaction with ratepayers and residents prior to the elections, we have found that their concerns vary from area to area. For those living in informal settlements their main concerns revolve around provision of decent housing and facilities such as electricity, sanitation, proper roads, health care, proper schools, refuse removal and lack of sports grounds.
For those in townships and well-endowed suburbs their concerns are mainly about the upgrading of CBDs in towns such as Tongaat and Verulam, maintenance of sports grounds and open spaces, clean streets and verges, a clean environment, and tackling the high crime rate.
Soon after the election results were announced, President Jacob Zuma informed the successful elected councillors that they would have to commit themselves to uplifting the lives of people and attending to the civic and social problems in their wards and councils.
He warned that those who fail in their duties would be flushed out.
"Councillors must be accountable," he stressed.
The elected and PR councillors in the major Metros such as eThekwini, Johannesburg, Pretoria and Cape Town are paid huge salaries and perks. For instance in eThekwini, councillors are reported to earn as much as R350 000 a year. In any language, this salary is way too extravagant and excessive for many of the councillors when compared to the amount of work they really carry out on behalf of the people.
Except for a few committed councillors, for most their cosy work is not only about earning "easy money" but also to enrich themselves, their families and friends through tenders and other means. For them the concerns and problems of the people they are supposed to represent at local government level take second place. For them they have not heard of evils such as corruption, fraud, bribery, thievery and nepotism.
One of the councillors who appears to have some conscience is unfortunately not situated in our region. He is Mr Tony Ehrenreich, the secretary of Coastu in the Western Cape who stood as the ANC's mayoral candidate in Cape Town. Asked about his dual role as a trade union leader and councillor, he had this to say:
"I will not accept my councillor's salary in the traditional manner. As long as I'm still in Cosatu I will put the salary in a trust fund and use it to advance workers."
Although Ehrenreich did not say that he would not accept any salary as a councillor, the fact that he would not accept "two salaries" at the same time is an indication of his commitment to serving the people.
The fiery leader also appeared to know his priorities as a councillor, unlike the leeches we find in eThekwini and other municipalities. He made it clear that the rates collected should be used to address the needs of Cape Town's entire population. He would especially work to promote the concerns of the poor.
"We want to make sure we raise our points that the budget doesn't reject the urgent needs of poor communities."
Oh, how I wish we had the quality of an Ehrenreich in eThekwini. Let's sincerely hope the Tony Ehrenreichs are not a dying breed.
For those in our midst who don't qualify as a "Tony Ehrenreich", let's hope that they will at least try to be clean, honest, sincere and committed to serving the people in their wards. If not, they should be "flushed out" as promised by President Zuma. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Tuesday, May 24, 2011
The ANC gets a wake up call
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
The ruling ANC has received a wake up call.
Despite notching up a comfortable 61 percent of the votes of the 18 million people who cast their ballots in last Wednesday's local government elections, the ANC appears not to have attracted a significant percentage of the non-African people who had supported the struggle prior to 1994.
These people are situated mainly in the Western Cape; the area of Port Elizabeth and other urban districts of the Eastern Cape; certain areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria; and the Metropolitan area of Durban, the north and south of Durban, Pietermaritburg and other urban areas in the KwaZulu-Natal province.
These people turned up in their hundreds of thousands to vote for the Democratic Alliance(DA). This support helped Helen Zille and the DA to notch up 24 percent of the votes nationally.
What is the reason for this? Why would those who fully supported the anti-apartheid struggles now turn against the very organisation that portrays itself as a non-racial and democratic organisation?
One of the people who voted for the DA at a polling booth in Verulam was blunt:
"I didn't vote for the ANC simply because many of their leaders are not giving the country a good name with their continued talk of racism, nationalisation and confiscation of land.
"Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world but yet these people are demanding nationalisation."
Another voter who cast his ballot in Tongaat expressed similar views.
"Some of these people have adopted the same attitude of the former apartheid rulers. They believe they can just dictate and the people will accept it. Well I can tell you that it's because of this attitude many people have turned away from the ANC. The people want to see a strong opposition so that the ANC can be kept in check."
Yet another person who registered his vote in Phoenix said he did not care who was in power but expected the government "to create opportunities for all people to take care of themselves".
"We cannot create a culture of expectancy. The government must develop an atmosphere where businesses will be able to flourish and where they will be able to create jobs for the people. The government cannot create jobs outside government departments.
"The ordinary person must able to look after oneself rather than looking to the government for handouts."
In addition to these people who cast their ballots for the DA, there were thousands of others went to the polls but did not vote for any party. They spoilt their ballot papers. Many of these disgruntled folk were former struggle activists who indicated that they felt let down by the ANC.
Said one former activist who lives in Verulam:
"The ANC of today is not the same ANC that I struggled for. Many of those in the ANC today have thrown our values and principles through the window. I, therefore, could not vote for the ANC or any other party. I will vote for the ANC once again once the current crop of leaders promote the values of the Nelson Mandelas, Walter Sisulus, Govan Mbekis, Ahmed Kathradas, Billy Nairs and Fatima Meers.
"Meantime, the ANC leaders must go back to the drawing room and ask themselves why so many people are turning their backs on the organisation?"
The ANC has reacted to its loss of support in several communities and has announced that it will discuss the latest developments. The ANC said it would like to find out why these communities have turned away from the ruling party.
However, at the same time it stated that racism was also at play as some people within these communities believe "African people cannot rule".
There's no doubt whatsoever that there are many who display this "racist" behaviour but for the vast majority of people, all they would like to see is a government that takes a firm stance against bribery and corruption, wastage, misuse of state resources, and action against civil servants at local, provincial and national levels who display arrogant and uncaring attitudes to members of the public. They would also like to see an effective police force and leaders who promote inclusivity rather than division through racist statements. They would also like to see opportunities being created for all instead of the state introducing regulations that are reminiscent of the apartheid era.
The question that many people are asking is whether the ruling ANC will take into account the reasons why many people are turning against it. Or will it adopt a "dog in the manger" attitude since it believes that it will continue to win elections for some time to come and that its detractors can "go and jump in the lake".
(aka Subry Govender)
The ruling ANC has received a wake up call.
Despite notching up a comfortable 61 percent of the votes of the 18 million people who cast their ballots in last Wednesday's local government elections, the ANC appears not to have attracted a significant percentage of the non-African people who had supported the struggle prior to 1994.
These people are situated mainly in the Western Cape; the area of Port Elizabeth and other urban districts of the Eastern Cape; certain areas of Johannesburg and Pretoria; and the Metropolitan area of Durban, the north and south of Durban, Pietermaritburg and other urban areas in the KwaZulu-Natal province.
These people turned up in their hundreds of thousands to vote for the Democratic Alliance(DA). This support helped Helen Zille and the DA to notch up 24 percent of the votes nationally.
What is the reason for this? Why would those who fully supported the anti-apartheid struggles now turn against the very organisation that portrays itself as a non-racial and democratic organisation?
One of the people who voted for the DA at a polling booth in Verulam was blunt:
"I didn't vote for the ANC simply because many of their leaders are not giving the country a good name with their continued talk of racism, nationalisation and confiscation of land.
"Nationalisation has not worked in any country in the world but yet these people are demanding nationalisation."
Another voter who cast his ballot in Tongaat expressed similar views.
"Some of these people have adopted the same attitude of the former apartheid rulers. They believe they can just dictate and the people will accept it. Well I can tell you that it's because of this attitude many people have turned away from the ANC. The people want to see a strong opposition so that the ANC can be kept in check."
Yet another person who registered his vote in Phoenix said he did not care who was in power but expected the government "to create opportunities for all people to take care of themselves".
"We cannot create a culture of expectancy. The government must develop an atmosphere where businesses will be able to flourish and where they will be able to create jobs for the people. The government cannot create jobs outside government departments.
"The ordinary person must able to look after oneself rather than looking to the government for handouts."
In addition to these people who cast their ballots for the DA, there were thousands of others went to the polls but did not vote for any party. They spoilt their ballot papers. Many of these disgruntled folk were former struggle activists who indicated that they felt let down by the ANC.
Said one former activist who lives in Verulam:
"The ANC of today is not the same ANC that I struggled for. Many of those in the ANC today have thrown our values and principles through the window. I, therefore, could not vote for the ANC or any other party. I will vote for the ANC once again once the current crop of leaders promote the values of the Nelson Mandelas, Walter Sisulus, Govan Mbekis, Ahmed Kathradas, Billy Nairs and Fatima Meers.
"Meantime, the ANC leaders must go back to the drawing room and ask themselves why so many people are turning their backs on the organisation?"
The ANC has reacted to its loss of support in several communities and has announced that it will discuss the latest developments. The ANC said it would like to find out why these communities have turned away from the ruling party.
However, at the same time it stated that racism was also at play as some people within these communities believe "African people cannot rule".
There's no doubt whatsoever that there are many who display this "racist" behaviour but for the vast majority of people, all they would like to see is a government that takes a firm stance against bribery and corruption, wastage, misuse of state resources, and action against civil servants at local, provincial and national levels who display arrogant and uncaring attitudes to members of the public. They would also like to see an effective police force and leaders who promote inclusivity rather than division through racist statements. They would also like to see opportunities being created for all instead of the state introducing regulations that are reminiscent of the apartheid era.
The question that many people are asking is whether the ruling ANC will take into account the reasons why many people are turning against it. Or will it adopt a "dog in the manger" attitude since it believes that it will continue to win elections for some time to come and that its detractors can "go and jump in the lake".
Saturday, May 21, 2011
Racism rears its ugly head during local government election campaigns
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
The local government elections held on Wednesday, May 18 was one of the most hotly-contested elections since 1994.
The political parties and the candidates went overboard in their campaigns to out do one another. During this process, some of the politicians used the lowest and basest rhetoric to smear their opponents.
The president of the ANC Youth League, Julius Malema, won gold medal for his "Malema says" when he travelled around the country, spitting and shouting at his opponents. His first stop was in Cape Town where he used the open-toilet saga in Khayelitsha to lampoon the DA for violating the human dignity of "African people".
The DA-controlled Cape Town city council was found to have built 51 toilets without enclosures in Makhaza, Khayelitsha in December 2009.
During his Cape Town electioneering campaign, Malema, his bodyguards and supporters drove to the house of the leader of DA, Ms Helen Zille, where they pasted ANC posters on an electricity pole just outside Zille's house. When asked by a reporter why he was putting up posters outside the home of Ms Zille, he responded by saying that the DA leader should also vote for the ANC because the DA would never rule South Africa.
But while enjoying the agony in which the DA found itself, Malema had to quickly dash to Rammulotsi township, near Viljoenskroon in the Free State province where it was found that ANC-run Moqhaka municipality had built 1 600 toilets without any enclosures. What was even more embarrassing was that the Mayor, Mantebu Mokgosi's husband had been granted a contract to build the open toilets. They were called "toiletpreneurs".
All that the fazed motor mouth could do was to call for "heads to roll.
CRIMINALS
Despite being brought down to earth, the foul mouth continued with his ramblings at an election rally in Kimberley where he labelled white people as "criminals".
This is what he had said: "We have to take the land without payment, because the whites took our land without paying and transformed them into game farms. The system of willing seller, willing buyer has failed.
We all agree they stole the land. They are criminals, they should be treated like that. It is taking too long for the land to be handed back.
"The money is in the hands of only 10 percent of the population who are handling about 90 percent of the wealth in the country. The money is in the hands of the Oppenheimers. The Oppenheimers took our minerals. Galeshewe hasn’t shared in the bounty of the diamond mines."
At another election campaign meeting in Kimberley, scolded township residents for protesting against the ANC when it was the ANC that provided them with jobs, schools, homes, electricity and water.
"You cannot complain about the lack of service delivery while watering the lawn in front of your RDP house. When protesting they burn tyres on a tar road but they complain no delivery."
In one of his several visits to KwaZulu-Natal, the "Mugabe of South Africa" took swipes at the leader of the IFP, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, calling him a "sickly old man" who don't want to retire. However, he did not have the courage to travel to hometown in Zululand to put up ANC posters outside Buthelezi's home. IFP supporters wanted to teach him "some manners".
"MADAM"
At the ANC's final and biggest election rally in Johannesburg, Malema received the loudest applause when he once again danced and shouted his racist comments.
He said: "The DA is for the whites, it is not for you. The ANC has no serious challenger in the coming elections. Even 'the madam' knows that she cannot compete with the ANC."
This was an obvious reference to Helen Zille's vigorous campaigns in Soweto and mainly-black townships around the country.
Malema has himself been called all kinds of names by his opponents and political analysts. One of the most telling comments came from cartoonist, Nanda Soobben. He said: "We need a toilet duck to clean Malema's mouth... unfortunately, we have a 'lame' one."
"BLUE WITCHES"
A former leader of the ANC Youth League, Fikile Mbalula, also raised the attention of people when he addressed an election rally in Kimberley last week. Referring to the women leaders of the DA, he said: "They are three little blue witches."
The leader of the ANC, Jacob Zuma, also drew the attention of the people when he told supporters at two meetings in Port Elizabeth and Lichtenburg that their ancestors will turn against those leaving the ANC.
"The ancestors will turn their backs against you and you will be bad luck forever if you leave the ANC unhappy. "When you vote for a party that is going to lose, then your vote is wasted. That vote does not help South Africa at all."
Zuma's latest comments had drawn sharp reactions from traditional and religious leaders, who previously had condemned the ANC leader for saying that "the ANC will rule until Jesus returns".
Said one commentator: "I think the ancestors are turning in their graves at the liberties JZ is taking. He now speaks for me, the other voters, Jesus, God, the ancestors, who else only the all powerful Swami Zuma knows."
The election campaigns have done wonders for the country. Freedom of speech and multi-party democracy have been strengthened while at the same time exposing the racism of the "Mugabe" who will turn our beautiful country into another Zimbabwe if he is not brought to heel soon. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
The local government elections held on Wednesday, May 18 was one of the most hotly-contested elections since 1994.
The political parties and the candidates went overboard in their campaigns to out do one another. During this process, some of the politicians used the lowest and basest rhetoric to smear their opponents.
The president of the ANC Youth League, Julius Malema, won gold medal for his "Malema says" when he travelled around the country, spitting and shouting at his opponents. His first stop was in Cape Town where he used the open-toilet saga in Khayelitsha to lampoon the DA for violating the human dignity of "African people".
The DA-controlled Cape Town city council was found to have built 51 toilets without enclosures in Makhaza, Khayelitsha in December 2009.
During his Cape Town electioneering campaign, Malema, his bodyguards and supporters drove to the house of the leader of DA, Ms Helen Zille, where they pasted ANC posters on an electricity pole just outside Zille's house. When asked by a reporter why he was putting up posters outside the home of Ms Zille, he responded by saying that the DA leader should also vote for the ANC because the DA would never rule South Africa.
But while enjoying the agony in which the DA found itself, Malema had to quickly dash to Rammulotsi township, near Viljoenskroon in the Free State province where it was found that ANC-run Moqhaka municipality had built 1 600 toilets without any enclosures. What was even more embarrassing was that the Mayor, Mantebu Mokgosi's husband had been granted a contract to build the open toilets. They were called "toiletpreneurs".
All that the fazed motor mouth could do was to call for "heads to roll.
CRIMINALS
Despite being brought down to earth, the foul mouth continued with his ramblings at an election rally in Kimberley where he labelled white people as "criminals".
This is what he had said: "We have to take the land without payment, because the whites took our land without paying and transformed them into game farms. The system of willing seller, willing buyer has failed.
We all agree they stole the land. They are criminals, they should be treated like that. It is taking too long for the land to be handed back.
"The money is in the hands of only 10 percent of the population who are handling about 90 percent of the wealth in the country. The money is in the hands of the Oppenheimers. The Oppenheimers took our minerals. Galeshewe hasn’t shared in the bounty of the diamond mines."
At another election campaign meeting in Kimberley, scolded township residents for protesting against the ANC when it was the ANC that provided them with jobs, schools, homes, electricity and water.
"You cannot complain about the lack of service delivery while watering the lawn in front of your RDP house. When protesting they burn tyres on a tar road but they complain no delivery."
In one of his several visits to KwaZulu-Natal, the "Mugabe of South Africa" took swipes at the leader of the IFP, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, calling him a "sickly old man" who don't want to retire. However, he did not have the courage to travel to hometown in Zululand to put up ANC posters outside Buthelezi's home. IFP supporters wanted to teach him "some manners".
"MADAM"
At the ANC's final and biggest election rally in Johannesburg, Malema received the loudest applause when he once again danced and shouted his racist comments.
He said: "The DA is for the whites, it is not for you. The ANC has no serious challenger in the coming elections. Even 'the madam' knows that she cannot compete with the ANC."
This was an obvious reference to Helen Zille's vigorous campaigns in Soweto and mainly-black townships around the country.
Malema has himself been called all kinds of names by his opponents and political analysts. One of the most telling comments came from cartoonist, Nanda Soobben. He said: "We need a toilet duck to clean Malema's mouth... unfortunately, we have a 'lame' one."
"BLUE WITCHES"
A former leader of the ANC Youth League, Fikile Mbalula, also raised the attention of people when he addressed an election rally in Kimberley last week. Referring to the women leaders of the DA, he said: "They are three little blue witches."
The leader of the ANC, Jacob Zuma, also drew the attention of the people when he told supporters at two meetings in Port Elizabeth and Lichtenburg that their ancestors will turn against those leaving the ANC.
"The ancestors will turn their backs against you and you will be bad luck forever if you leave the ANC unhappy. "When you vote for a party that is going to lose, then your vote is wasted. That vote does not help South Africa at all."
Zuma's latest comments had drawn sharp reactions from traditional and religious leaders, who previously had condemned the ANC leader for saying that "the ANC will rule until Jesus returns".
Said one commentator: "I think the ancestors are turning in their graves at the liberties JZ is taking. He now speaks for me, the other voters, Jesus, God, the ancestors, who else only the all powerful Swami Zuma knows."
The election campaigns have done wonders for the country. Freedom of speech and multi-party democracy have been strengthened while at the same time exposing the racism of the "Mugabe" who will turn our beautiful country into another Zimbabwe if he is not brought to heel soon. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
Tuesday, May 10, 2011
Voters not a bunch of sheep
By Marimuthu Subramoney
(aka Subry Govender)
Election posters are everywhere. Travel through the CBDs of the cities and towns, and townships, residential areas, and informal settlements one is overcome by a sea of election posters of the different political parties hanging from every almost light pole.
All the political parties - from the ruling ANC to the newly-established NFP - are all making promises to woo the voters.
"Let's work together", "We deliver for all", "Unite and fight" and "Stop corruption" are just some of the catch phrases that the different political are using in their attempts to attract the voters.
The political parties are also taking every opportunity that come their way through special radio and television programmes and newspapers to get their messages across to the voters.
The local government elections on May 18 will be the third such election since we attained our new non-racial and democratic freedom in 1994.
I interacted with a cross-section of people over the past few weeks in order to get an idea of how the ordinary people or the "person in the street" view the political parties and how they would exercise their democratic right.
"I have voted in every election since 1994 but this time round I am not interested at all," Mr Zeph Gumede, a 47-year-old factory worker told me in an interview.
Mr Gumede is married with three adult children and two grand-children. He lives in a disadvantaged area in the eThwekini municipality.
"I am not going to vote because very little has changed in my area for the past 17 years. We have been waiting for a sewer system and running water for every household for a long time but nothing has been done. We only have electricity.
"I will not vote because I want to demonstrate my disillusionment with what is going on. Many other community members also feel the same way. We are all ANC supporters and cannot see ourselves voting for any other party. We want the ANC to know that we are unhappy with the manner in which our concerns have not been attended to."
Mr Krish Govender is a 45-year-old community worker who lives in Ottawa with his wife and a teenage son and daughter. He has been an anti-apartheid activist all his life and has also voted in all the elections since 1994.
"I am going to vote in the forthcoming election but it's not for any political party. I will be voting because the candidate is a good person and I want to give him a chance. My organisation has let me down. It seems that what we fought for during the anti-apartheid struggle days has all been forgotten. Most of the people are now only interested in furthering their own nests and have very little time for the poor and the marginalised."
Mr Pravesh Maharaj of Woodview in Phoenix is another disenchanted South African. This 50-year-old father of three teenage daughters also voted for change in 1994. But he too is now deeply disappointed with all the reports of mismanagement, fraud, corruption, and the failure of the eThekwini municipality to clean the streets and generally maintain a healthy environment.
But, unlike most people I spoke to he's not going to abstain from voting.
"I want to vote in the hope of making a difference. There's a need for us to send a message to the powers that be that we have had enough. They cannot take us for granted."
Forty-two-year-old Lucky Khumalo of an informal settlement in La Mercy works as a caddy at the Windsor Park Golf Course in Durban. He's at the golf course every day in the hope of carrying "a bag or two" so that he can earn some money to feed his wife and two children, aged seven and sixteen months.
"I'm forced to work as a caddy after losing my job recently. I am a proud South African but am very unhappy that I cannot find another decent job.
"If I vote, will it make any difference to my life and that of my family? I will only be improving the life of the candidate and his family."
Ms Ntombi Sibaya is a 32-year-old resident of Waterloo. She works as a petrol attendant in Umdloti Beach.
"I have registered and I will vote for the party that has done so much for us since 1994. I am not interested in all the talk about corruption and wastage of ratepayers' money. It seems the black man is always a suspect."
But expressing a view at the other end of the scale is Mr Preven Naidoo, a newly-married person who lives in Brindahaven, Verulam.
"I have not decided to vote yet but if I do then it will certainly not be for people who are messing up our towns and cities. I am fed up with all the deterioration and degeneration of our towns and filth that is found everywhere.
"Nothing is being done to show us that they want to make our towns and residential areas a better place for all of us."
Mr Gordon Pillay is a 60-year-old grand-father who lives in Caneside, Phoenix.
"I was also an activist in the early days in Merebank and in 1994 I voted for the ANC. But now I am totally disillusioned with what is taking place here in Phoenix. The eThekwini Municipality is turning this crowded residential area into a slum by building houses in every open space. Our children and grand-children don't have open spaces and parks to play sport any more.
"I am disappointed that no one is taking up this issue. They want to destory this residential area by over-crowding an already over-crowded suburb. We at the moment are being over-whelmed by drug lords and illegal taverns. We are paying rates and taxes but we are not being treated properly."
Most people, it seems, are concerned that they are being over taxed and are now even being unfairly charged for refuse removal as well.
"What are we paying exhorbitant rates for?," asked Ms Natchandramal Narainsamy, who lives in central Verulam.
"What are they doing with all the rates and taxes we are paying?"
The over-whelming view is that the rates' money collected is not being used productively to provide basic necessities such as sanitation, drinking water, and electricity for the poorest of the poor and cleaner streets, recreational and sporting facilities, a crime-free environment, and employment opportunities for all the residents.
There's no doubt that the vast majority of people are disillusioned and dissatisfied with the kind of service they are receiving from local municipalities and they want to make their views known in different ways during the election on May 18.
One just hopes that those who come into power and the candidates of other political parties who win seats will remember that they are there to work in the interests of the ratepayers and not to further enrich their own interests, their families and their hangers on.
We cannot allow the dream of Nelson Mandela to be deferred any longer. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
(aka Subry Govender)
Election posters are everywhere. Travel through the CBDs of the cities and towns, and townships, residential areas, and informal settlements one is overcome by a sea of election posters of the different political parties hanging from every almost light pole.
All the political parties - from the ruling ANC to the newly-established NFP - are all making promises to woo the voters.
"Let's work together", "We deliver for all", "Unite and fight" and "Stop corruption" are just some of the catch phrases that the different political are using in their attempts to attract the voters.
The political parties are also taking every opportunity that come their way through special radio and television programmes and newspapers to get their messages across to the voters.
The local government elections on May 18 will be the third such election since we attained our new non-racial and democratic freedom in 1994.
I interacted with a cross-section of people over the past few weeks in order to get an idea of how the ordinary people or the "person in the street" view the political parties and how they would exercise their democratic right.
"I have voted in every election since 1994 but this time round I am not interested at all," Mr Zeph Gumede, a 47-year-old factory worker told me in an interview.
Mr Gumede is married with three adult children and two grand-children. He lives in a disadvantaged area in the eThwekini municipality.
"I am not going to vote because very little has changed in my area for the past 17 years. We have been waiting for a sewer system and running water for every household for a long time but nothing has been done. We only have electricity.
"I will not vote because I want to demonstrate my disillusionment with what is going on. Many other community members also feel the same way. We are all ANC supporters and cannot see ourselves voting for any other party. We want the ANC to know that we are unhappy with the manner in which our concerns have not been attended to."
Mr Krish Govender is a 45-year-old community worker who lives in Ottawa with his wife and a teenage son and daughter. He has been an anti-apartheid activist all his life and has also voted in all the elections since 1994.
"I am going to vote in the forthcoming election but it's not for any political party. I will be voting because the candidate is a good person and I want to give him a chance. My organisation has let me down. It seems that what we fought for during the anti-apartheid struggle days has all been forgotten. Most of the people are now only interested in furthering their own nests and have very little time for the poor and the marginalised."
Mr Pravesh Maharaj of Woodview in Phoenix is another disenchanted South African. This 50-year-old father of three teenage daughters also voted for change in 1994. But he too is now deeply disappointed with all the reports of mismanagement, fraud, corruption, and the failure of the eThekwini municipality to clean the streets and generally maintain a healthy environment.
But, unlike most people I spoke to he's not going to abstain from voting.
"I want to vote in the hope of making a difference. There's a need for us to send a message to the powers that be that we have had enough. They cannot take us for granted."
Forty-two-year-old Lucky Khumalo of an informal settlement in La Mercy works as a caddy at the Windsor Park Golf Course in Durban. He's at the golf course every day in the hope of carrying "a bag or two" so that he can earn some money to feed his wife and two children, aged seven and sixteen months.
"I'm forced to work as a caddy after losing my job recently. I am a proud South African but am very unhappy that I cannot find another decent job.
"If I vote, will it make any difference to my life and that of my family? I will only be improving the life of the candidate and his family."
Ms Ntombi Sibaya is a 32-year-old resident of Waterloo. She works as a petrol attendant in Umdloti Beach.
"I have registered and I will vote for the party that has done so much for us since 1994. I am not interested in all the talk about corruption and wastage of ratepayers' money. It seems the black man is always a suspect."
But expressing a view at the other end of the scale is Mr Preven Naidoo, a newly-married person who lives in Brindahaven, Verulam.
"I have not decided to vote yet but if I do then it will certainly not be for people who are messing up our towns and cities. I am fed up with all the deterioration and degeneration of our towns and filth that is found everywhere.
"Nothing is being done to show us that they want to make our towns and residential areas a better place for all of us."
Mr Gordon Pillay is a 60-year-old grand-father who lives in Caneside, Phoenix.
"I was also an activist in the early days in Merebank and in 1994 I voted for the ANC. But now I am totally disillusioned with what is taking place here in Phoenix. The eThekwini Municipality is turning this crowded residential area into a slum by building houses in every open space. Our children and grand-children don't have open spaces and parks to play sport any more.
"I am disappointed that no one is taking up this issue. They want to destory this residential area by over-crowding an already over-crowded suburb. We at the moment are being over-whelmed by drug lords and illegal taverns. We are paying rates and taxes but we are not being treated properly."
Most people, it seems, are concerned that they are being over taxed and are now even being unfairly charged for refuse removal as well.
"What are we paying exhorbitant rates for?," asked Ms Natchandramal Narainsamy, who lives in central Verulam.
"What are they doing with all the rates and taxes we are paying?"
The over-whelming view is that the rates' money collected is not being used productively to provide basic necessities such as sanitation, drinking water, and electricity for the poorest of the poor and cleaner streets, recreational and sporting facilities, a crime-free environment, and employment opportunities for all the residents.
There's no doubt that the vast majority of people are disillusioned and dissatisfied with the kind of service they are receiving from local municipalities and they want to make their views known in different ways during the election on May 18.
One just hopes that those who come into power and the candidates of other political parties who win seats will remember that they are there to work in the interests of the ratepayers and not to further enrich their own interests, their families and their hangers on.
We cannot allow the dream of Nelson Mandela to be deferred any longer. - Subry Govender, Chief Editor
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