Veteran activists elected as Patrons of new non-parliamentary organisation, Active Citizens Movement (ACM)

(Siva Naidoo, Mvuso Msimang and Ms Eunice David) By Subry Govender (

(Veteran activist Mvuso Msimang addressing the ACM launch) Five prominent veteran anti-apartheid and struggle activists have been elected as Patrons of the new progressive non-parliamentary forum, Active Citizens Movement (ACM), after it was officially launched at the St Aidan’s Church Hall in Durban on Saturday, July 22. They are Dr Albertina Sisulu, daughter of the late ANC president and South Africa’s first Nobel Peace Prize winner Chief Albert Luthuli; Professor Jerry Coovadia, former official of the Natal Indian Congress and United Democratic Front(UDF); Judge Thumba Pillay, former NIC and UDF official and activist; Dr Zuleika Mayet, a veteran activist and author, and Dr Paddy Kearney, former executive official of Diakonia and social activist. Their elevation as Patrons took place soon after the election of officials of the ACM. Mr Ben Madokwe, a Durban activist, was elected as the chairperson. He took over from interim chairperson, Mr Siva Naidoo, former NIC and UDF activist of Tongaat, who held the fort since a new forum was mooted 18 months ago. Ms Eunice David, the interim secretary of Phoenix, was elected the deputy chairperson of the ACM; Crispin Hemson, general secretary; Xoliswa Ncani, administrative secretary; Himesh Singh, organising secretary; and R Karrim, treasurer.

(Veteran activist Trevor Bonhomme at the ACM launch) The guest speaker, Mr Mvuso Msimang, a former ANC MK struggle veteran, called on President Jacob Zuma to step down from office immediately in order to save the country from plunging into further problems. He was responding to a question after he had delivered his speech about whether President Zuma should “do the right thing and step down immediately”. “If Jacob Zuma did the honourable thing and stepped down immediately then he would save the country from further damage,” said Mr Msimang, who was a senior combatant of MK and the ANC during his many years in exile in Zambia and other countries. “Some of us back in 2014 made an attempt to talk to the President after the release of the Madonsela Report. We wanted him to step down immediately but we were not successful,” he said. “I am a stalwart and veteran and I want the leadership of the ANC to follow the values and principles espoused by the people who were involved in the struggles in the ANC, Mass Democratic Movement and the UDF. “But I think you have a bunch of bandits who have staged a coup in Government.”

Mr Msimang in his address supported the launch of the ACM and said that there was a dire need for civil society to become involved in the day to day struggles of the people. “My call is for action by civil society. South Africa is going through its most difficult times since the dawn of democracy in April 1994. What has brought this about is the paralysis of the ANC leadership when it has been faced with internal challenges. While the enormity and complexity of the challenges are not in doubt, millions of members and supporters expected the ANC to overcome these challenges. But this has not happened.” Mr Siva Naidoo, in his address as the Interim Chairperson, said there was a desperate need for organisations such as the ACM because “the dawn of freedom and democracy in 1994 led to political complacency that demobilised society as a whole”.

“We placed utmost faith and trust in the new South African Government. The politically-active citizenry relaxed and created an organisational vacuum in society. “However, once the nation noticed that governing structures were being disabled to serve the narrow parochial pecuniary interests of a few, we observed an upsurge in civil society activism in recent times.” He said the ACM was working with like-minded civil society organisations to tackle “State capture, rampant corruption, abuse of State resources, nepotism and cronyism”. “We deplore the prevalence of a materialist crass culture of greed that is eating at the soul of our beloved country.”

The new chairperson of the ACM, Mr Ben Madokwe, came out guns blazing by supporting the call for President Zuma “to step down immediately”. “Corruption cannot just disappear. We must actively participate to reclaim our country by removing those who are not serving the people. We must start with the Pressident,” he said. He encouraged concerned people to participate in protest actions on August 7 and 8 for President to step down. The protest actions would coincide with the vote in Parliament on August 8 when members would decide President Zuma’s fate.

Now that the ACM has been officially launched, it is expected to interact with similar progressive organisations around the country such Save South Africa, South Africa First, Freedom Under Law, Corruption Watch, Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution and Johannesburg Against Injustice. Ends – subrygovender@gmail.com

BY SUBRY GOVENDER ( HESTER JOSEPH - ONE OF THE BACKROOM PERSONS WHO PLAYED AN INTEGRAL ROLE IN THE STRUGGLES BY THE BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT IN THE 1970s and 1980s

( HESTER JOSEPH IN THE 1970s) INTRO: One of the back room persons who was an integral part of the black consciousness struggles in the 1970s and 1980s was Hester Joseph of Durban. Mrs Joseph – a former manager of the Diakonia Centre - did not allow the oppressive situation and the intimidation and harassment by the ruthless security police at that time to cow her down. In this week's feature on struggle heroes and heroines - Subry Govender profiles the life of Hester Joseph - who came from a very conservative background...... . Hester Joseph, who was born into a working class family in the Overport area of Durban in July 1950, became embroiled in the world of black consciousness in the early 1970s when she started work at the United Congregational Church at 86 Beatrice Street in Durban. At that time 86 Beatrice Street was the headquarters of the South African Students Organisation(SASO) and other black consciousness organisations. Here, while still in her teens, she came into contact with activists such as the late Steve Biko, the late Strini Moodley, Mandla Langa, Sam Moodley, Asha Rambally, Daphne Khoza, and the late Ben Langa.

(HESTER JOSEPH WITH THREE OF HER GRAND-CHILDREN AT HER HOME IN RED HILL, DURBAN) At this time another doyen of the struggle, the late Dr Beyers Naude, had started the SPROCAS group to politicise the white community and discussions were taking place to establish something similar within the black community. One of the activists at that time, Bennie Khoapa, was given this task and he initiated the Black Community Prorgammes (or BCP). “Benny Khoapa was appointed the Executive Director of the BCP and I was appointed the executive secretary. Hycinth Bhengu was the chairperson. SASO also had its offices there with people such as Asha, Steve Biko, Sam, Strini, Vino and Saths Cooper, Daphne Koza, Dawn Goodley, Ben Langa, Mandla Langa, and Mamphela Ramphele. “All these people helped me to shape my life and to become active in the struggles against the racist political situation at that time,” she told me in an interview. “I mean the thing that appealed to me about the Black Community Programmes at that time was that it was still involved with the church and came into contact with people like Dr Beyers Naude. “Little did I realise that I would be drawn into this fantastic community of people who were wanting to conscientise black people and that excited me. “Comrade Steve used to be absolutely wonderful. He was very gentle in explaining that we all have to work together to overcome the evils of apartheid. And this is what I began to feel. I soon felt that I found my niche with this group of people.” Her entry into black consciousness came after she began to question the issue of racism that prevailed in the compartmentalised communities that existed at that time. Her early life was confined to the small coloured community in the Overport area and her parents and her four sisters did not mix freely with other racial groups.

(HESTER JOSEPH WITH SAM MOODLEY ON HER 50TH BIRTHDAY) “A lady was employed to come and help us in the house and I remember a time when my mother discouraged us from chatting to her and talking to her about her family,” she recalled. “She told us that she was here to work and that she needed to work and go home. And I think that’s where it actually started and I began to question why should it be like that. And of course my meeting with Strini and Sam and others at 86 Beatrice Street further opened my eyes to the kind of society we were living in at that time. It was a natural progress from then on because I suddenly found people that I could talk to about the political situation in the country.” At this time in the early 1970s the dreaded security police kept a close watch on those entering and leaving 86 Beatrice Street. She remembers how on September 1974 when black consciousness leaders were attacked and arrested when they held the pro-Frelimo rally at the famous Currie’s Fountain soccer stadium.

(Hester Joseph and her husband, Harold Joseph, in their early years in the 1970s) “After they arrested a number of our people at Currie’s Fountain, they descended at our offices in droves and arrested a number of BC leaders. They showed no mercy to the people on this day. “It was only after the Frelimo rally that nine leaders of the BC movement - Saths Cooper, Terror Lekota, Aubrey Mokoape, Strini Moodley, Muntu Myeza, Vincent Nkomo, Pandelani Nefolovhodwe, Zitulele Cindi and Gilbert Sedibe were charged with terrorism and sentenced to Robben Island.” Hester Joseph was with the Black Community Programmes until it was banned in 1977 along with 18 other organisations. “I remember clearly that on the day the security police carried out sweeps throughout the country in October 1977, I was alerted that a car was waiting for me outside our home. “The security policemen informed me that they were taking me to our offices at the Congregational Church building because SASO, BPC, Union of Black Journalists (UBJ) and 16 other organisations had been outlawed. “When we arrived at our offices, the security policemen turned the place upside down. They literally trashed the place. They cleaned up the office of all our documents and took them all to their offices,” she said. She said the security police also raided their offices in Johannesburg, in the Eastern Cape and at the Zanempilo Clinic in the Eastern Cape. After the banning of BPC and the other organisations, Hester Jospeh joined the Diakonia Council of Churches where she joined a group of people who were passionate about promoting social justice through religion. Some of the people she worked with were Bishop Rubin Phillip and Paddy Kearney. She later joined the Ecumenical Trust, which also propogated the struggles against racism and minority rule. After a break of a few years, Hester Joseph returned to Diakonia and became the manager of the Diakonia Centre. When the country went to the polls in April 1994, Hester Joseph was one of those who was first in the line. “There was real excitement in 1994 especially because Nelson Mandela who was such an icon was free and leading us all to freedom. So yes I voted for the ANC in 1994 but the years after that I did not vote.” Today, 23 years into the new democracy, Hester Jospeh believes that while the new government has achieved a great deal, there's still much more to do, especially in the efforts to improve the quality of life of the poor, marginalised and the forgotten. “Politicians today don't have the same principles as the activists of the past. A large group of people I worked with never owned a car while they worked for justice, freedom and equal opportunities for everyone. I think one needs to lead by example.” Although Hester Joseph retired from Diakonia two years ago in July 2015, she is still involved in the social field as a Trustee of the Denis Hurley Centre in Durban.

Hester Joseph’s involvement during the struggles as a back-room person is best captured by Dr Mamphele Ramphele in her autobiography, “A Life”. Referring to Hester Joseph she wrote: “The success of new ventures often rests with sound administrative capacity – a factor which many radical movements ignore at their peril. Ms Hester Fortune, a beautiful and and self-confident woman who was executive secretary of the Black Community Programmes at 86 Beatrice Street in Durban, which became a hive of activity, attracting welcome and unwelcome visitors who wanted a piece of the action. Hester had the sophistication to keep a necessary balance in the office, avoiding complete openness and lack of discipline, whilst creating a welcoming, supportive environment where serious work was possible.” Ends - subrygiovender@gmail.com July 12 2017

BISHOP RUBIN PHILLIP - ONE OF THE STRUGGLE HEROES WHO WENT BEYOND RELIGIOUS BOUNDARIES FOR FREEDOM IN SOUTH AFRICA

(BISHOP RUBIN PHILLIP IN HIS YOUNGER DAYS WITH ARCHBISHOP DESMOND TUTU)

(BY SUBRY GOVENDER) In this week’s feature on struggle heroes and heroines, veteran struggle journalist Subry Govender, writes about Bishop Rubin Philip, who retired in December 2015 as head of the Anglican Church in KwaZulu-Natal. He is one of the activists who has made an invaluable contribution to the political and social transformation of South Africa as a progressive leader of the church and a former black consciousness leader. Bishop Philip participated in the struggles without any fanfare and publicity.

(Rubin Philip 's father, Lutchman, mother Ethel and one of his sisters) “I became politically aware when growing up as a young boy in Clairwood, I began to ask questions about the poor conditions of the people. And later this awareness gained momentum when I came under the influence of black consciousness while studying to be a priest at the Federal Theological College in Alice in the Eastern Cape.”

( Rubin Philip (2nd from right) after being first appointed as a priest at the Anglican Church in Wentworth in 1971) Bishop Rubin Philip, who retired just over a year ago as head of the Anglican Church in KwaZulu-Natal at the age of 69, has been one of the activists and progressive leaders who involved himself fully in the struggles for a free, non-racial and democratic society from an early age. Born into a working class, Telegu-speaking family in the historical district and close-knit community of Clairwood, south of Durban, in March 1948, Philip started at a young age to question the desperate conditions under which his parents and other families had to survive at that time. His grand-parents came to the then Natal Colony as indentured labourers from a little village in the then area of the Madras Presidency. The Madras Presidency at that time in the 1860s comprised districts where the people spoke both Tamil and Telegu. After independence in 1947, the Telegu-speaking people became part of the state of Andhra Pradesh. “My father was a qualified chef and he gave that up and started his own little general hardware business. But that was not a success and it was during that period, as a teenager, I thought about our own situation and why we were struggling so much. “That got me to ask a number of questions about apartheid, about Indian people in the particular area where we were living. I began to ask why do they have to suffer so much and why they were being denied access to things that white people in particular were receiving,” Philip said in a recent interview.

(BANNING ORDER SERVED ON RUBIN PHILLIP IN 1973) His political awareness became clearer when in 1969 at the age of 20, he travelled to the town of Alice in the Eastern Cape to study to become a priest at the Federal Theological College, near the Fort Hare University. “Here, I started to engage people, mainly Africans. “For the first time I was living with people of all races. I was able to hear their stories first hand, the levels of their own suffering, pain and hardship. Then I started to ask the question what is the relationship between faith, particularly Christianity, and the suffering of black people, including myself. “And why was it that there was white Christians and black Christians and yet white Christians lived a very advantaged life, whereas the rest of the people were oppressed through policies created by white Christian people, English and Afrikaners. There was a real contradiction there. “We would spend hours and hours at the Seminary discussing these questions. They were very heated discussions. Then Steve Biko came into our campus and a branch of SASO was formed. I became its first chairperson. “By being involved and discussing issues, I realised that SASO was going to become a very important part of my life. SASO was answering questions for which I did not have answers before.

(Rubin Philip's colleague in 1972 - Ranwedzi Nengwekhulu) “At that time Black Theology and Black Power as it was called in the United States started to have its influence on black South Africans, especially people like us who were very radical about the state of things in the country at that time.” Rubin Philip had a calling to enter the ministry but never for one moment thought that studying at the seminary would change his life for ever. After he returned home to Durban at the end of 1971, he was appointed a minister at an Anglican Church in Wentworth. Here because of the proximity to the Alan Taylor residential quarters for black medical students, he re-established contact with Steve Biko and also came into contact with people of the calibre of Barney Pityana, Dr Mamphele Ramphele, Harry Ngengkulu, Ben Khoapa, Strini Moodley and Stanley Ngwasa. His involvement in black consciousness was further strengthened when he was elected vice-president in charge of International Affairs for SASO. “After my ordination, I continued to be involved in black consciousness movement. I was elected vice-president of the organisation and became involved in matters relating to international affairs. But further more I was involved in what we called Black Theology Project. Again it was an attempt to relate religion to political and social transformation.”

(Rubin Philip's colleague in the 1970s - Nyameko Pityana) While he continued his work to conscientise the people, the apartheid regime at the same time had other plans for him. When he returned from an overseas trip in 1973, the members of the dreaded security police at that time detained him at the then Jan Smuts International Airport (Now Oliver Tambo International) in Johannesburg. “When I arrived at the airport, my name was called out and I went to this room where I was beaten up by the security police. I was then told by the security police that if I didn’t stop my activities, they would get rid of my family. A few days later I was served with a five-year banning order.” Although his own banning and restriction order was lifted in 1976, repression was still at its height in the wake of the Soweto uprisings in June of that year and the country-wide student boycotts that followed. Thousands of people were detained around the country, many died mysteriously and affected families were left destitute. Rubin Philip entered the fray and with the co-operation of several other leaders established the Dependents Conference to assist affected families. He also initiated and became actively involved in the Natal Crisis Fund that was set up to bring relief to the thousands of people who were caught up in the political violence that gripped KwaZulu-Natal in the 1980s. At the same time he continued with his socio-economic relief work through the Diakonia Council of Churches and numerous other organisations. He had been involved with Diaonia for more than 30 years since the early 1970s and served as its chairperson for more than a decade. During his term at Diakonia, he worked with progressive church leaders of the calibre of Catholic Archbishop Denis Hurley, Manas Buthelezi of the Lutheran Church and Dr Norman Hudson of the Methodist Church. In addition to Diakonia, he worked and led a number of socially-active organisations to promote the human rights of the people.

(Rubin Philip's colleague in the 1970s - Strini Moodley)

(Rubin Philip's colleague Temba Sono in 1972) Rubin Philip like other comrades breathed a sigh of relief when political negotiations led to the downfall of the apartheid regime in April 1994. “I recall very clearly the day when for the first time in my life I had to vote. It was a very emotional day. After having filled in my form I was putting it into the box and I held it there for something like a minute and half and then when the voting form dropped to the bottom of the box I felt that for me it was a deeply spiritual experience. “I was at this time the Dean of the Anglican Cathedral in Pretoria. Something in me became unshackled and I first of all felt a deep spiritual feeling. I felt tremendously elated because it was the first time I had voted.” Rubin Philip was elected Bishop of the Anglican Church in KwaZulu-Natal in November 1995. He was ordained as the Bishop by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who Reuben Philip had befriended since his early days when studying at the Federal Theological College in Alice in the Eastern Cape. He was the first religious leader of Indian-origin to be appointed to this position in the Anglican Church in Southern Africa. He has used this position to continue with his socio-economic work alongside his spiritual duties. Over the past two decades since the advent of our new democracy in 1994, Rubin Philip has come out in full support of the Abahlali base Mjondolo, which promotes the welfare of informal dwellers. He was critical of the fact that the new South Africa was prepared to spend billions in hosting events such as the 2010 Fifa World Cup but yet was incapable of providing decent housing, water and electricity for homeless people.

(Rubin Phillip as chairperson of Natal Technikon) This is what he said about this anomaly: "If we can successfully host a massive event like the World Cup, spending billions, then why can't we provide water, electricity and housing for a handful of shack dwellers.” He has also been involved in the struggles by the people of Zimbabwe against the oppressive Robert Mugabe rule, leading the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum. As head of this Solidarity Forum, Bishop Philip successfully lodged an application in the Durban High Court to stop a shipment of arms and ammunition from China being transported from the Durban Harbour to Zimbabwe. Bishop Philip, who is still the Chairperson of the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum, recently held talks with some of the Zimbabwe political leaders in Pretoria. In 2012 when nearly 48 miners were shot dead by South African Police at Marikana, Bishop Philip spoke out strongly against the massacre of the people in our new democratic society.

(RUBIN PHILLIP AT THE RECENT MEMORIAL SERVICE FOR AHMED KATHRADA THAT WAS DISRUPOTED BY ANC YOUTH LEAGUE MEMBERS) He condemned the Marikana massacre as follows: "And so again, the truth of our country is in dead black bodies littering the ground. The truth of our time is that people asserting their rights and dignity have been brought down in a hail of bullets." Bishop Philip has also been fully involved in several organisations fighting the HIV-Aids pandemic under the auspices of the Diakonia Council of Churches, and in organisations such as the Independent Projects Trust which is based in Durban. Bishop Philip has also been involved in inter-faith organisations, promoting secularism, tolerance, solidarity, and peace against all forms of racism and inequalities. In this regard he has worked closely with Hindu, Muslim, and Jewish leaders to promote tolerance and understanding. Bishop Philip believes South Africa has come a long way from the days of apartheid but there’s still much more work to be done. “There’s no question that since 1994 there has been much progress been made in the country. However, we have not arrived in the promised land. We are still faced with high unemployment, the abuse of women and children, we are not united as a country, there’s still a lot of prejudice around, we still have a long way to go in terms of developing our people. Political freedom in our constitution has got to work itself out in touching the lives of ordinary South Africans whether they are in Phoenix, Chatsworth, Umlazi, KwaMashu or anywhere else.”

(Rubin Philip attending an anti-corruption protest meeting in Durban) “We started with our new political dispensation on a high. “Under Mandela we did very well as a country, we became progressive and we were dealing with many of the issues. I think Mandela’s greatest contribution was that he created a platform for others to come in and build a sound economy and sound political structures. ‘But that’s now vanished over the last 10 years. We first of all lost our moral compass that we used to fight for freedom. We challenged apartheid as an ungodly system that was immoral and inhuman. “Now to our disbelief we are doing the same. “We have a huge disregard for ordinary people and the way we show this disregard is by not creating enough jobs and by the corruption at the level of leadership, both in business and politics. We see it in education, which is a fundamental foundation for building a solid and strong South Africa.”

(Rubin Philip - with former Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan at a recent meeting.) “I think the other issue we have not tackled seriously is that of race relations. Instead of becoming a stronger non-racial community, there are people within our society who have used race to gain economic benefits and political power. This has divided people along racial lines. The challenge for us is to turn this around because if we don’t resolve the racial discrepancies in our society this thing can explode.” He said this situation of racism has reared its ugly head despite the enormous amount of work that has been done over the past three decades to promote greater human rights values among the people. “There are still a number of organisations and individuals who are promoting greater respect among the people. However, given some of the tensions we are seeing at the moment, it is very clear not enough is being done. I think we all have a responsibility to overcome the distrust. “We cannot point a finger at any one or blame other people. We mustn’t forget our past that apartheid divided us along racial ghettos. “It’s still there. We don’t have to dig too much. So it requires a bit of humility among all of us, it requires for us to contribute to building the non-racial South Africa that we sacrificed our lives for.” Bishop Philip was deeply saddened by the corruption and self-interest that have become deeply imbedded in our socio-economic and political situation.

(RUBIN PHILLIP AT THE RECENT MEMORIAl SERVICE FOR AHMED KATHRADA AT SASTRI COLLEGE) “What I have seen in recent years has deeply affected me. The plundering of the resources and the wealth of this country by a few and the rest of the people are just being offered crumbs. No wonder people resort to violence but we don’t condone this. No wonder people take to the streets increasingly, no wonder people turn on one another. This has a lot to do with economics. And it is not as if we don’t have adequate resources in this country. We are one of the richest countries in Africa. It’s a question of not managing the resources properly and sharing the pie equally and not being corrupt and greedy. Some of us are saying that because we did not have this in the past and now I will take that by any means.” His tireless work for the socio-economic freedom of people has not gone un-noticed. Only recently he was given an award by a Durban Muslim organisation for his commitment to the socio-economic upliftment of the people. In 2009 he was given the Bremen International Peace Award in Germany for his commitment to the struggles against apartheid and his “ongoing work to offer solidarity to the displaced people, victims of persecutions and detainees”. In 2010, Bishop Philip was given the Diakonia Award in recoginition of his involvement in the anti-apartheid movement since the 1960s and his advocacy and involvement in the Zimbabwe crisis and to his solidarity with shack dwellers. Bishop Philip dedicated this award to the shack dwellers and all those who had stood in solidarity with the informal dwellers. Bishop Philip, who also served as Chairperson of Technikon Natal, was conferred with a honorary degree of Doctor of Technology: Public Administration and Social Services, in 2002 in recognition of his “outstanding service to the local community, his tireless efforts in promoting peace and reconciliation in our country, and his dedicated and invaluable commitment to Technikon Natal”. SOUTH AFRICAN LIAISON OFFICE Although he has retired from the ministry, Bishop Philip continues with his human rights work. He is now involved with the South African Liaison Office (SALO), which highlights critical socio-economic-political issues in South Africa. The organisation also works with the Department of Foreign Affairs in promoting the cause of human rights in many countries, including Zimbabwe and South Sudan. The situation of Tamils in the North and East of Sri Lanka is of concern to Bishop Philip. “We have been more concerned about human rights violations in our immediate vicinity and on the African continent. We now also have to look at situations like what is happening to the Tamil people in Sri Lanka who have suffered human rights violations for many decades and the massacre in 2009,” he said. RUBIN PHILLIP WANTS TO VISIT THE LAND OF HIS FOREFATHERS IN INDIA Bishop Philip in his retirement also wants to set aside some time researching his roots as he has very good memories of his early life growing up in Clairwood, south of Durban. “Clairwood had a wonderful community, it was vibrant, I loved that. There was a sense of belonging and sharing and it was quite cosmopolitan. There were people of all races who lived in Clairwood. “Although it was dominated mainly by people of Indian-origin, there were people of all races there, including whites. So that was good.” Although they were living under poor conditions, he has fond memories of how his father, Lutchman Philip, his mother, Ethel, and two other brothers and four sisters lived with community members in Clairwood. “We lived in a community that was like one large family. It is something that we miss today. It is a pity that we have today lost this type of neighbourliness.” All his siblings are around today with one brother living in the Eastern Cape and one still resident in Clairwood. All his sisters live in and around Durban. He wants to visit the area where his grand-parents came from. “I know that my grand-parents came from an area which is now in Andhra Pradesh. I want to make a tour to India next year in an attempt to connect with my roots. It would be wonderful to make this connection.” Ends – June 6 2017

ANC NATIONAL CONFERENCE JULY 5 2017 - ANC MUST NOW DELIVER TO TRANSFORM THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC LIVES OF THE MAJORITY BLACK PEOPLE

In South Africa – the ruling ANC’S all-important National Policy Conference ended today after six days of intensive discussions on serious issues affecting the unity and the very existence of the oldest liberation movement in Africa. The nearly 4 000 delegates have taken a number of decisions to embark on a programme of regeneration and to tackle – among other things - widespread corruption and state capture, lack of ethical leadership and the socio-economic empowerment of the majority of black South Africans. Most of the delegates have also gone against the recent controversial statements of “white monopoly capital” in order to keep alive its age-old policy of non-racialism. The party would in future only talk about “monopoly capital” when tackling the issue of rapid socio-economic transformation in favour of the black majority. The ruling ANC has at the same time re-affirmed its decision to withdraw from the ICC and to support the human rights and self-determination struggles of the people of Western Sahara, Kurdish people in Turkey and the liberation of Palestine. Subry Govender reports….. .

RECALLING THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF PEOPLE OF INDIAN-ORIGIN AT A TIME WHEN RACIAL PROFILING AND THE PROMOTION OF RACIAL HATRED HAS BECOME THE NORM AMONG SOME OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES

OCT 14 2021

At a time in October 2021 when political parties are using all kinds of racist gimmicks to attract the support of people during their campaigns for the Nov 1 2021 local government elections,  many people have become disillusioned and disenchanted with the current state of affairs. The promotion of  racial hatred, racial intolerance and disunity seems to have become the norm among some of the people.

Veteran journalist Subry Govender writes that it’s appropriate at this time to remember the role played by organisations and leaders of the people of Indian-origin in the freedom struggles. 

BY SUBRY GOVENDER

The role of the people of Indian-origin in supporting the freedom struggles led by the African National Congress and other liberation movements is beyond question. In the early 1930s, 1940s, 1950s and 1960s, the community led by the Natal Indian Congress, established by Mahatma Gandhi in 1894, participated fully in all the struggles such as the defiance campaigns, anti-pass laws and the anti-segregation protests. The NIC operated alongside the Transvaal Indian Congress and the South African Indian Congress.

(Dr Yusuf Dadoo addressing a rally in Johannesburg in the early 1940s) The leaders during this period included stalwarts such as Dr Yusuf Dadoo, Dr Monty Naicker, Ahmed Kathrada, J N Singh, I C Meer, Fatima Meer and Dr Desaval Goonam. Then after the ANC was outlawed in the early 1960s, a number of activists joined the ANC in underground activities. They included activists of the calibre of Mac Maharaj, Indres Naidoo, Phyllis Naidoo, M D Naidoo, Billy Nair, Sunny Singh, R D Naidoo, Swaminathan Gounden and hundreds of other unsung heroes and heroines.

(Kay Moonsamy being greeted by Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, during a visit to Durban last year) 

(HARRY DEODUTH ADDRESSING A PROTEST MEETING IN CATO MANOR IN 1956. J N SINGH IS SEATED BEHIND THE SPEAKER) In the late 1960s and early 1970s, when almost all above ground political activities were crushed by the former white regime, once again Indian-origin activists came to the fore when they revived the Natal Indian Congress. Some of those who sacrificed their lives during this period were activists such as Mewa Ramgobin, Dr Dilly Naidoo, Farouk Meer, Ela Gandhi, George Sewpersadh, M J Naidoo, Dr Jerry Coovadia, Thumba Pillay, Maggie Govender, Roy Padaychie, Pravin Gordhan, Yunus Mahomed, Devadas Paul David, D K Singh, A H Randeree, Ramlal Ramesar, A S Chetty and Rabbi Bugwandeen.

(Rabbi Bugwandee addressing protestors in Durban) For all intents and purposes, the NIC at this time was the internal wing of the ANC. All these leaders and others also played a vital and pivotal role in the establishment of the United Democratic Front in the early 1980s.

(ONE OF THE ACTIVISTS DURING THE STRUGGLE YEARS IN THE 1970S AND 1980S) Mr Ramgobin, who became an ANC MP after 1994 and who passed on in October 2016, was banned and house-arrested for more than 18 years. At one meeting in Durban in the late 1980s, Ramgobin demonstrated the kind of dedication and commitment displayed by Indian-origin activists. He told the protest meeting:

(MEWA RAMGOBIN ADDRESSING AN ANTI-GOVERNMENT MEETING IN THE 1980S) “We black, brown and white people have shown to the world that we will not nurse compliance to apartheid. It is our proposition that we recognise and project that our immediate goal is not the victory only on our side of the struggle, but as proclaimed in the Freedom Charter, the victory must be a synthesis of all our inter-faced claims if South Africa has to belong to all who live in it.” The late Mr George Sewpersadh, who was the president of the Natal Indian Congress and an executive member of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in the late 1970s and 1980s, also during a meeting in Durban in the mid-1980s, displayed the commitment of people of Indian-origin to freedom, democracy, non-racialism and socio-economic development of all the people of the country.

He had said: “We realise that no one in this country can be free until all the people are free. Through our joint efforts over the years we are increasingly bringing about unity that is required to bring us our victory. Our methods of struggle over the years have not been in vain. We have gradually been gaining in strength and there can be no doubt in the future, we will play our full role in bringing about the unity that is required to bring an end to racialism and in bringing an end to the apartheid policies of the current government. “Our support for the Freedom Charter makes clear our rejection of apartheid and makes clear our commitment to liberation, freedom, justice, non-racialism, and total abhorrence to the policy of domination of one group over another.”

Dr Farouk Meer, who was the secretary of the revived NIC, was another Indian-origin leader who demonstrated the commitment of the people to freedom and justice for all in a new, non-racial and democratic society. “We in the Congress salute the bold, effective and imaginative blow that the UDF officials have taken by taking refuge at the American Consulate in Johannesburg. In doing so they have struck a blow for freedom. Their action is in keeping with the Gandhian tradition of non-violence resistance to tyranny and we completely support your stay at the American Consulate. Like the Durban Consulate Six, Vally Moosa, Murphy Morobe and Khanyile have highlighted the uncivilised and barbaric practice of putting people in jail indefinitely without trial. South Africans hope that the apartheid Government will see this as an opportunity to develop a sensitivity to local opinion and makes a sincere and serious effort to break the domestic political impasse. It could make a start by lifting the state of emergency, releasing all political detainees and bringing to an end its myriad security laws that have turned our country into a police state.”

(DR VIJAY RAMLUCKAN - ONE OF THE UNDERBROUND ACTIVISTS WHO WAS JAILED FOR HIS ACTIVITIES FOR THE ANC) Beside the NIC leaders, Indian-origin activists also played leading roles in the Black Consciousness movement. Some of these activists included Dr Saths Cooper, Krish Govender, Sam Moodley, Bishop Rubin Phillip and the late Strini Moodley. During this period there were also people who joined organisations such as the Non-European Unity Movement and the Pan Africanist Congress(PAC).

(R K NAIDOO, ABDUL BHAMJEE AND OTHER SPORTS LEADERS WHO USED THE SPORTING ARENA TO FIGHT THE APARTHEID SYSTEM) The struggle for freedom was not just restricted to the political arena. People of Indian-origin also played a major role in the sporting structures to highlight the injustices perpetrated against the black majority. Some of the leaders who made their mark during the dark days of the struggle were Mr Morgan Naidoo (swimming), Mr M N Pather in tennis and the South African Council of Sport(SACOS), Mr George Singh (soccer), Mr R K Naidoo, who was the president of the South African Soccer Federation Professional League(SASFPL), Mr Cassim Bassa (tennis), Mr Shun David (soccer), Mr Krish Mackedhuj, who was involved with the South African Cricket Board of Control, Mr Hassan Howa (cricket), Mr Abdul Bhamjee (soccer and cricket), Mr Sam Ramsamy, (S A Non-Racial Olympic Committee - SANROC), Mr Abdullah Khan (cricket), Mr Ramhori Lutchman (soccer), Mr Ronnie Govender (soccer), Mr M N Govender (soccer) and Mr Dharam Ramlall (soccer). There were also scores of others who worked behind the scenes in the sporting field to fight the evil apartheid system. In addition to these political, social and sporting contributions, a number of activists paid the ultimate price when they were murdered by the apartheid security forces and security police at the height of the struggles. Some of these activists include Ahmed Timol (31) of Johannesburg, Dr Hoosen Hafejee (26) of Pietermaritzburg, Krishna Rabilall (28) of Merebank and Lenny Naidoo (24) of Chatsworth. Timol, a school teacher, was pushed to his death from the 10th floor of the John Vorster police headquarters in Johannesburg in October 1971; Dr Haffejee, who had trained as a dentist in India, was found hanging at the Brighton Beach Police Station after being detained by the security police in August 1977; Rabilall, an MK soldier was killed along with 16 other colleagues when the former South African Defence Force carried out a raid on ANC houses in Matola, Mozambique, in January 1981; and Naidoo, another MK soldier, was killed along with eight other MK soldiers while returning home through Swaziland in 1988.

(BILLY NAIR BEING WELCOMED AT A TRADE UNION MEETING AFTER HIS RELEASE FROM ROBBEN ISLAND AFTER MORE THAN 20 YEARS IN PRISON)

(BC LEADER STRINI MOODLEY)

After the advent of our democracy in April 1994, a number of our activists were absorbed into the new ANC Government. However, scores of others withdrew into the background, believing that their work was now complete. Despite all contributions and sacrifices for freedom, non-racialism and a just society, there is a great deal of disenchantment and disillusionment at the current state of affairs prevalent in the country, 23 years after the advent of our new democracy. The question that many people ask is this: What has happened to all the values and principles that people of the calibre of Kay Moonsamy, Billy Nair, Mewalall Ramgobin, George Sewpersadh, Ahmed Kathrada, I C Meer, Fatima Meer, Dr Kesaval Goonam, Phyllis Naidoo, Ahmed Timol, Dr Hoosen Hafejee, Krish Rabilall, Lenny Naidoo and scores of others had sacrificed their lives for? – ends October 14 2021 (subrygovender@gmail.com)

SOWETO UPRISINGS - RECALLING THE STRUGGLES FOR AN EQUAL AND HIGHER QUALITY OF EDUCATION ON THE 41st ANNIVERSARY OF THE SOWETO UPRISINGS

BY SUBRY GOVENDER On Friday, June 16(2017) – South Africans will observe the 41st anniversary of the Soweto uprisings when school pupils took to the streets to express their anger at the forced introduction of Afrikaans as a language of instruction in their schools. Hundreds of people were killed in the aftermath of June 16 1976 when school pupils and students in Soweto and other parts of the country protested against the violence perpetrated by the former apartheid regime and its security forces. Subry Govender recalls what took place on that fateful day and thereafter when school pupils and students all over the country sacrificed their lives for the freedom that we enjoy today…….. . (This report was compiled on the 32nd anniversary of the Soweto Uprisings in 2008. This report is still relevant today on the 41st anniversary of the struggles for a higher quality of education.)

BY SUBRY GOVENDER DEVADAS PAUL DAVID – A STRUGGLE ACTIVIST WHO WAS COMMITTED TO THE LIBERATION OF THE OPPRESSED FROM AN EARLY AGE

DEVADAS PAUL DAVID - STRUGGLE STALWART WHO BECAME INVOLVED IN LIBERATION STRUGGLES AT AN EARLY AGE May 25 2017 In his continuing efforts to recognise the contributions of our struggle stalwarts, veteran journalist, Subry Govender, in this feature pays tribute to North Coast lawyer, 76-year-old Devadas Paul David. David was one of the anti-apartheid activists who played a major role in the struggles for a free, democratic and non-racial South Africa.

In 1961 when he was studying for a law degree at the then University of Natal in Durban, Devadas Paul David took the plunge to contribute to the liberation struggles when he became an underground member of the African National Congress(ANC). At this time the ANC had just been banned along with the Pan Africanist Congress(PAC) following the massacre by the apartheid police of anti-pass law protestors in Sharpeville, near Johannesburg, in 1960. He was recruited to distribute pamphlets and to carry out other underground activities. “At this time there was a lot of political activity on the campus and I came under the influence of some great leaders such as Palaki Sello and Ernest Gallo, who died while evading arrest,” he said in an interview. “We also had Phyllis Naidoo, Sydney Dunn, and Kutumela who came from Fort Hare.” Three years earlier Paul David, at the tender age of 17, joined the Natal Indian Congress and became the secretary of the NIC Youth Congress while still a pupil at the Verulam High School on the North Coast. He became politically aware at a young age when his father and eldest sister, Phyllis Naidoo, spoke out openly against the apartheid system. At this time, he also came under the influence of his brother-in-law, M D Naidoo, who with his sister, Phyllis Naidoo, were firebrand leaders of the Congress at that time.

Born on August 26 1940 in Pietermaritzburg into a devout Catholic family, David’s grand-parents came from a little village in Tamil Nadu in South India to the then Natal Colony as indentured sugar cane labourers. His father, Simon David, was a school teacher and principal and as such was a strict disciplinarian. He instilled the values of respect for elders and commitment to education to David and his three other sons and three daughters. David became actively involved in the political struggles when he joined Mewa Ramgobin and other activists in the revival of the Natal Indian Congress in the early 1970s and was elected secretary of the NIC in 1979. He was also involved with the Release Mandela Committee and was elected its secretary in 1983 and in the same year became fully involved with the United Democratic Front(UDF). In addition to his political involvement at all levels, Paul David also became involved in anti-apartheid work at community levels in ratepayers’ organisations in Verulam, Stanger and Durban. He was also involved in non-racial sport in organisations such as the Southern Natal Soccer Board, South African Soccer Federation, Natal Cricket Board, Natal Council of Sport, South African Council of Sport and at local levels in Verulam and Stanger. His involvement and that of some of his comrades in sporting arena was meant to basically keep the former dreaded Security Police off their backs. “People had to be mobilised and they had to be organised. Sport we thought was a very useful vehicle for that purpose and that is why we joined the non-racial sporting organisations in soccer, cricket, SACOS (South African Council of Sport. We expected the Security Police to stop tracking us but in fact they intensified their watch,” he said. After the Natal Indian Congress was revived in the early 1970s, Paul David once again took an active part in its activities. At the same time with other leaders he initiated the establishment of the Release Mandela Committee, calling for the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners. The Natal Indian Congress at this time was for all intents and purposes the internal wing of the ANC. One of their major campaigns in the early 1980s was against the South African Indian Council (SAIC), whose leaders at that time included J N Reddy, Salaam Abram Mayet and Amichand Rajbansi. “In that campaign we visited an estimated 50 000 homes in Natal alone, carrying the message that the SAIC people didn’t represent South Africans of Indian-origin and our destiny lay with the vast majority of the South African people. As you know that was a very successful campaign and less than 10 percent of the people voted in the elections.” In August 1983 when the UDF was launched in Cape Town, Paul David and other leaders of the Natal Indian Congress were some of the leading personalities in this stage of the struggle that pronounced that minority rule was coming to an end. “The political struggle of 1983 against the tri-cameral parliament stood on all the mobilising work that had been done for years before that. So the UDF was absolutely political in nature.” Paul David and his comrades came under attack from the security police after they were seen as being the architects behind the establishment of the UDF in 1983. Paul David and his comrades, George Sewpersadh, M J Naidoo, Mewa Ramgobin, Archie Gumede and Billy Nair took refuge at the British Consulate in the then Smith Street in Durban. “We knew that there were warrants out for our arrest, so we sought the sanctuary of the British Consulate to highlight to the outside world the repressive actions of arrest without trial, arbitrary powers of the Minister of Justice at the time and things like that. We were there in the Consulate for about five months and then we were charged for treason.” Paul David was among the 16 activists who were charged with High Treason at the Pietermaritzburg High Court in 1985. The others were Mewa Ramgobin, Isaac Duze Ngcobo, Archie Gumede, Curtis Nkondo, Sisa Njikelana, Aubrey Mokoena, Sam Kikine, M J Naidoo, Albertina Sisulu, Essop Jassat, Cassim Salojee, George Sewpersadh, Frank Chikane and Thozamile Gqweta. But after a trial lasting more than two years all of them were found not guilty and discharged. During the constitutional talks at Kempton Park in Johannesburg in the early 1990s, Paul David was one the delegates who represented the Natal Indian Congress. Now resident in KwaDukuza, Paul David still keeps an active eye on political developments while involving himself in several community and civic organisations. In a recent interview at his home in KwaDukuza, David told me that he was disillusioned with the deep divisions currently wracking the ANC and he hoped that the organisation would cleanse itself of those people who only joined to enrich themselves and to further their own nests. “The ANC is our home and we cannot allow corruption, nepotism, and greed to devour our organisation,” he said. “We have to commit ourselves to the values and principles that our leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada, Billy Nair, Monty Naicker, Yusuf Dadoo and others had infused in us.” He said despite the enormous achievements over the past 23 years, he believes that the ANC has become like any other political party. “We thought that the ANC would be different from other political parties around the country and its approach to politics would be completely different. We thought that the formation of a party would not be different to a liberation organisation where it had morality as the core trait or as a recognisable characteristic. But the ANC has fallen into the trap that is set for all politicians and political parties and that is designed for gain for itself and for chosen members.” David said it was time for vibrant debate and discussions on the many social and economic issues facing the people. David was blunt in his view that the ANC is not the future but merely the hope for a better future. “Having said that the ANC has adopted so many anti-social characteristics, it doesn’t mean that it is the end. But what we see today is that the ANC is not the future, it is merely the hope of a brighter future, and to achieve that the ANC has to be reformed from the centre and right from grass-root level. “The ANC should be the first organisation to encourage committees, lobby groups, forums where policies and politics of the country are debated robustly. You can’t hope to achieve this through the ANC branches because they follow the policy of the ANC. “South Africa should not become a country where only the views of one political party becomes dominant. If this happens then all the sacrifices of thousands of activists and leaders would have been in vain.” Ends –subrygovender@gmail.com