RECALLING HISTORY - FATHER SMANGALISO MKHATSHWA - A CATHOLIC RELIGIOUS LEADER WHO PAID A HEAVY PRICE WHILE BEING IN THE STRUGGLES IN THE 1970s and 1980s

 

(Photo courtesy of The Presidency)

SOUTH AFRICA WILL BE A GREAT COUNTRY WHERE THERE WILL BE EQUALIUTY AND PEACE FOR ALL

"Well, I definitely want a free South Africa, a truly-liberated South Africa in the fullest sense of the word. I want this for the workers, for the women, for the young people, the students, intellectuals - in other words for all the people of this country. I really want them to live in one, united country where there is justice, where there is equality, where there is fraternity, and where there is peace for everybody. This is the only way we will be able to ensure that the people of South Africa will be able to survive together and that together we will move forward. If this is done then this country will be a happy and great country."  

 

 

 

INTRO: One of the religious leaders who paid a heavy price for his involvement in the struggles for a non-racial and democratic South Africa is Father Smangaliso Mkhatshwa, a former leader of the Southern Africa Catholic Bishops Conference.

Researching through articles and stories written while at The Daily News and the Press Trust of SA News Agency between 1973 and January 1990, I came across an interview that I had conducted with Father Mkhatshwa in 1987 at a time when the struggles against minority domination and oppression was at its height.

Father Mkhatshwa, who was 48-years-old at that time, was just released from detention after being held for about a year during the State of Emergency introduced by the former regime. Prior to this detention he had been banned, house-arrested and detained by the South African authorities for three lengthy periods during June 1976 and March 1984.

During his year-long detention, Father Mkhatshwa filed an urgent application in the Pretoria Supreme Court against the Minister of Law and Order and a number of security policemen on allegations of torture at the hands of the security police.

In his application, he told the court that he had been interrogated and tortured for more than 30 hours while he was stripped naked, blind-folded and had his hands, hand-cuffed behind his back. Six of the security policemen, who Father Mkhatshwa alleged were responsible for the torture, had paid an admission of guilt fine of R200 and they had been absolved of the charges.

Father Mkhatshwa, who was a patron of the non-racial United Democratic Front at the time in 1987, was still recovering from his ordeal and in an interview with the Managing Editor of the Press Trust of S.A. News Agency, Marimuthu Subramoney (aka Subry Govender), the religious leader spoke about his torture at the hands of the security police.

In view of the regulations governing the State of Emergency his details about the torture could not be published at that time.

Father Mkhatshwa, who spoke to the Press Trust at his parish offices in the township of Soshanguvo, to the north of Pretoria did, however, have some definite views about the policy of detentions, the apartheid policies and white minority rule.

 

The following are his answers to some of the crucial questions put to him:

 

Question 1 : What is it like to be detained?

 

Mkhatshwa : First of all let me say that detentions are very unpleasant and nasty. Although some of us, by the virtue of being Catholic priests, are used to living alone should be able to cope with the isolation in detention. But the isolation that is forced upon us is an unpleasant experience. I mean I don't mind living alone in my home for months on end without meeting anyone because if I get bored, I can simply jump into the car and visit friends. But in detention the isolation is forced upon you by the authorities.

Secondly the lack of intellectual and mental stimulation is really killing. By being cut off from reading books, newspapers, listening to the radio and watching television, especially when you are used to these things, your whole intellectual world is reduced to nil. The manner in which you are treated by young warders is also something hard to cope with especially when these warders have an intellectual capacity that is so low. They treat you like criminals. But dealing with these warders has also had its positive sides. I can say that we have not entirely failed in our attempts to re-educate some of these warders.

 

Question 2: After being subjected to the torture you allege you suffered and the nasty experiences at the hands of the authorities, are you still as determined as ever to continue with the struggle for justice, liberty and freedom?

 

Mkhatshwa: Well certainly. I don't think one has the choice of either opting out or staying in the struggle. I think when one thinks that the system of apartheid is immoral, completely diabolical and that it has to be changed to a better society for everybody, then one cannot at one stage say that I have now done enough struggling after one nasty experience.

I don't think we have a choice in the matter. We just have to go on and if need be to change our strategies in order to advance the struggles. While in the past we have been able to reach the people through mass meetings and mass funerals, we now have to change to other strategies because of the State of Emergency.

I'm not saying what we should do but under the circumstances we just have to alter our programme so that we can continue to reach the people.

 

Question 3: The South African State President, P.W. Botha, has stated that he is out to crush the opposition against his government. Do you think he will succeed?

 

Mkhatshwa: In the short term he may succeed in crushing certain structures and eliminate certain people he considers to be unsavoury. But I don't think in the long-term it will be physically possible for him to do so. In the long term it will be just an illusion to think he can crush, cripple and smash all the organisations.

 

Question 4: What do you want for S. A. and do you think the black majority will achieve this?

 

Mkhatshwa:  Well, I definitely want a free South Africa, a truly-liberated South Africa in the fullest sense of the word. I want this for the workers, for the women, for the young people, the students, intellectuals - in other words for all the people of this country. I really want them to live in one, united country where there is justice, where there is equality, where there is fraternity, and where there is peace for everybody. This is the only way we will be able to ensure that the people of South Africa will be able to survive together and that together we will move forward. If this is done then this country will be a happy and great country. 

 

Question 5: Are there any chances of a peaceful struggle in view of Botha's intransigence and his refusal to talk to authentic organisations?

 

Mkhatshwa :  Although I am a dyed-in-the wool optimist, I really believe that this country is in big trouble simply because the present regime quite frankly does not seem to be very serious you know about trying to enter into genuine, authentic dialogue with the authentic leadership in this country . Now if a dialogue is to succeed there are certain preconditions that have been laid down by the representatives of the majority of the people. Some of the conditions are that there should be normal political activity — which means the unbanning of the people's organisations; allowing the free and unconditional return of those people who were forced into exile.

It means that bodies like the UDF would have to function normally, which is not the case at the moment. There also has to be the unconditional release of Nelson MAndela and all other political prisoners. It also means the lifting of the State of Emergency, the withdrawal of the security forces from the black townships and the schools. At the moment they are making our townships look almost like war zones or places under siege.

If Botha were to do that and even if he does not find solutions tomorrow morning, he would have definitely allowed a very healthy process to get under way. Once that happens, he is going to generate trust among the people who obviously are very critical of apartheid and the present regime. They will begin to give him the benefit of doubt that at least he really means something instead of just talking about reforms. They will say that these are concrete efforts that he really means business.

He cannot be seen as saying that he is involved in the process of dismantling apartheid but at the same time he allows non-viable entities such as KwaNdebele to claim so-called independence. This is a contradiction in terms.

We would expect him to put a stop to the bantustanisation of this country if he expects us to take him seriously and for the people to give him the co-operation he needs. But he must also accept the fact that he no longer calls the tune and if he is serious about political changes he must allow other voices to be aired and to prepare the programme.

Question: How long do you think that the black people will be prepared to put up with the repression?

Mkhatshwa: Well I must say that although the black people have been repressed for so long they have not been taking it supinely or they have been accepting their oppression and doing nothing about it. They certainly have demonstrated their total rejection of apartheid and their resistance to apartheid. But at the moment they just don't have the muscle or the power to actually and effectively dismantle the apartheid apparatus. But there is no doubt everyday all people - youths, students, women, trade unions are expressing their dissatisfaction with apartheid. One can only say that without working out a programme the days of apartheid are numbered.

Question: Don't you think the people in the bantustans and those in the coloured and Indian communities are being obstacles to the struggle?

Mkhatshwa: They are certainly obstacles in the sense that instead of there being a united front they are dissipating the energies of people, fragmenting resistance to apartheid and they are also causing a lot of confusion among lots of people. What is really frightening is what is going to happen when the real show-down comes.

If things continue as they are it is going to be difficult to avoid a real showdown. Another frightening aspect is what role will the bantustan armies, police and so forth - what role will they play - because I certainly don't expect them to be on the side of the majority of the people? So, again, it means that there will be that much more strife as long as they continue to support the programme of grand apartheid.

Question: Could the bantustans be done away with in the envisaged new society?

Mkhatshwa: Well as far as I am concerned there is no way you can dismantle apartheid without at the same time dismantling all the undemocratic structures and institutions that are imposed on the people. Bantustans are part of the undemocratic structures.

Question: Finally are you confident of the victory of the black majority in the country?

Mkhatshwa: I don't think there is any doubt about that. I mean it is absolutely written in the skies. I am confident of that as I am sitting here. The only question I cannot answer is when that victory is going to come about — after how many months or after how many years. I cannot predict that. But I can predict that victory is absolutely certain.

Ends – Sept 7 1987 FROM: PRESS TRUST OF SOUTH AFRICA

 

FOOTNOTE: After 1994 when we attained our freedom, Father Mkhatshwa held a number of prominent positions in our new government until 2000. In 1994 he was elected to the National Assembly and in 1996 became the Deputy Minister of Education, a post he held until 1999. He was elected to the ANC National Executive Committee in 1997. In 2000 he became the Executive Mayor of the City of Tshwane. Born in 1939 in Barberton, in Mpumalanga, he attended primary schools in Barberton and Lydenburg. He matriculated from the Pax College in Polokwane.

He entered the priesthood in June 1965 after his training at St Peter’s Seminary. He worked as a priest in Witbank until 1970, when he was seconded to the church’s general secretariat of the Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference in Pretoria.
In 1973, he went to study further at the University of Leuven in Belgium, obtaining a Masters Degree in philosophy and theology. On his return to South Africa, he became involved in the anti-apartheid struggle.

From 1976 repeated detentions were imposed on him. Initially he was detained for four months. This was soon followed by a five-year ban, which expired in 1983. He was again detained after two months and charged with subversion, incitement to public violence and addressing an unlawful meeting. However, he was found not guilty and released the following year.

He attended the establishment of the United Democratic Front in Cape Town in 1983 and was nominated as a patron. (Some info in Footnote courtesy of The Presidency) - Ends – January 31 2021

 

 

RECALLING HISTORY – "PRO FRELIMO RALLY DETAINEES STILL HELD IN DETENTION FOR NEARLY A YEAR AFTER BEING ARRESTED ON SEPTEMBER 25 1974 AND THE DAYS AND NIGHTS THEREAFTER"

 

 

 

On September 25 1974 leaders of the South African Students Organisation (SASO) and the Black Peoples Convention (BPC) planned to host a rally at Currie’s Fountain in Durban to celebrate the victory of Frelimo in Mozambique. Mozambique was a Portuguese colony for decades before Frelimo led a liberation struggle against the colonisers.

The South African Government and its security branch police carried out a massive campaign against the organisers and arrested more than 33 SASO/BPC leaders.

Nearly one year after the ill-fated rally, the security police were still holding the SASO/BPC leaders. I covered the story before and after the scheduled rally on September 25 1974 for the Daily News situated at 85 Field Street in Durban.

On September 17 1975 I wrote a lengthy article about the violation of the rights of the detainees who had been held for nearly a year without being charged in a court of law or told what they were being detained for.

The article was published under the headline: “LOST: one year of their lives” and with the following introduction:

“The security police have held the ‘pro-Frelimo’ detainees for nearly a year. How much longer to they need, asks Daily News staff writer Marimuthu Subramoney.”

 

 

The story read:

Seven days from today the Rev Mashwabada Mayatula, 48-year-old father of five, will begin his second year in imprisonment without ever being brought to trial or knowing what he is being imprisoned for.

Mr Mayatula, chairman of the BPC and a final year student at the Lutheran Theological College in Maphumulo, is one of the first batch of SASO/BPC/Black Allied Workers Union/and Theatre Council of Natal members who were arrested the night after the “Pro-Frelimo rally” at Currie’s Fountain on September 25 1974.

Today it is exactly 356 days that Mr Mayatula has been in detention with some 32 others, who are known to be still in prison, has practically vanished from the face of the earth.

The whereabouts of Mr Mayatula and the other detainees are not known but it is believed all of them are being held incommunicado in Pretoria.

According to Section 6(1) of the Terrorism Act (No 83 of 1967) people may be held in detention until the Commissioner of Police is satisfied they have replied adequately to questions or until no useful purpose is served by their further detention, or until the Minister of Police orders their release.

Although most of the top leaders of SASO/BPC/BAWU/TECON are presently facing charges under Section 6 (1) of the Terrorism Act (No 83 of 1967), the future looks bleak for Mr Mayatula and Mr Yugen Naidoo, a BPC member who was also arrested on September 25 1974.

On that evening and during the ensuing months, the security police arrested almost all SASO/BPC/BAWU leaders and their known sympathisers. Security police also raided SASO/BPC/BAWU offices throughout the country and confiscated typewriters, duplicating machines, documents and other material.

In all they arrested more than 60 people and to date only about 18 are known to have been released. Among the detainees, 13 were originally charged under Section 6 (1) of the Terrorism Act but later charges against two detainees were withdrawn and the trials of another two were separated.

The nine detainees who are presently facing charges under Section 6(1) of the Terrorism Act are Mr Saths Cooper, banned former public relations officer of BPC; Mr Muntu Myeza, secretary-general of SASO; Mr Patrick Lekota, permanent organiser of SASO; Dr Aubrey Mokoape, senior member of BPC; Mr Vincent Nkomo, national organiser of BPC; Mr Pandelani Nefolovhodwe, president of SASO; Mr Strini Moodley, banned former editor of SASO publications; Mr Zitulele Cindi, BPC secretary-general; and Mr Gilbert Sedibe, University of the North SRC president.

The charges against Mr Sivalingam Moodley, brother of Mr Strini Moodley, and Mr Sulayman Ismail, BPC member of Lenasia, were withdrawn and they were released after being in detention for more than 134 days.

Mr Rubin Hare, vice-president of SASO, whose trial with Mr Sadique Variava, chairman of the Peoples’ Experimental Theatre, was separated from the others, is still being held incommunicado. Mr Variava was released a week ago on bail of R5 000 after being in detention for more than seven months.

Some of the known 18 detainees who have been released so far were in detention for as long as nine months. Mrs Vino Cooper, wife of Mrs Saths Cooper, who was arrested at Currie’s Fountain on the day of the “Pro-Frelimo” rally, is out on bail.

Of the 32 people who are still believed to be in detention, Mr Harry Singh, a former Public Relations Officer of BPC, and Mr Ahmed Bawa, a member of BPC, have been subpoenaed by the State as witnesses in the trial against Mr Cooper and the others.

Besides Mr Mayatula and Mr Naidoo, the black consciousness leaders still believed to be in detention are Mr Ben Langa, banned former secretary general; Mr Danile Landilwe; Mr Mahlomola Skosana; Mr Buma Bukwe; Mr Cyril Ramaphosa; Mr Johnny Issel; Mr Rubin Hare; Mr Steven Carolus; Mr Harold Dixon; Mr Johnny Dixon; Mr Nicky Titus; Mr Albert Beukes; Mr Vivien Pillay; Mr Sadecque Variava; Mr Trevor Bloem; Mr Hector Mbau; Mr Barnard Williams; Mr Raymond Burgers; Mr Chris Goddard; Mr Basil Lenkoe; Mr Patrick MacGluwa; Mr Wiseman Hamilton; Mr Johnny Ramrock; Mr Molefe Phetoe; Mr Mather Diseko; Mr Eric Moloi; Mr Xosa Nuse; and Mr Monamadi Radebe.

The State has held them for nearly a year; how much longer does it need? Ends – Daily News Reporter Marimuthu Subramoney Sept 17 1975

 

BROTHER OF TERROR ACT ACCUSED IS ALSO BANNED

 

A week after the above article was published, the Pretoria regime continued with its repressive actions by banning some of those who had been released after their detentions for long periods.

I wrote a story about this and it was published under the headline: “Brother of Terror Act accused is also banned” on September 25 1975.

The story read:

Mr Revabalan Cooper, 23-year-old brother of Terrorism Act accused Saths Cooper, has been banned for three years in terms of the Suppression of Communism Act.

His brother, Saths Cooper, is also banned.

Mr Revabalan Cooper, a former public relations officer of BPC, was served with the banning order by two Indian security branch policemen on Friday at his flat in Himalaya House, Warwick Avenue, Durban.

He is the fourth SAS0/BPC to be banned within a week. The others are Mrs Brigitte Mabandla, Mr Mapetla Mohapi, permanent organiser of SASO, and Mr Steven Carolus, a BPC member in Cape Town.

Mr Cooper, who was arrested at Currie’s Fountain on the day of the “Frelimo rally” on September 25 last year, had been detained in Pretoria for more than six months.

The banning order, signed by the Minister of Justice, Mr J T Kruger, restricts him to the Magisterial district of Durban. He is prohibited from attending any social, political or student gathering and has to report to the Central Police Station every Monday between 6am and 6pm.

He is not allowed to enter any “Bantu” location or township, or any factory, school, university or college, harbour, railway area or courthouse. Ends – Daily News Reporter Sept 25 1975

 

BAN ORDERS CRUEL, SAYS DR MAASDORP

 

At the same time, I wrote another story about the inhuman banning and restriction of Lindeliwe Mabandla, his wife Brigitte, to the Transkei and Mapetla Mohapi to the Eastern Cape.

The story was published under the headline: “Ban orders cruel, says Dr Maasdorp” on September 24 1975

The story read:

The banning and restriction of Mr Lindeliwe Mabandla and his wife, Brigitte, to the Transkei and Mr Mapetla Mohapi to the Eastern Cape have been described as “a cruel form of punishment”.

Mr Mabandla, a son of the Transkei’s Minister of Agriculture, Mr Z M Mabandla, is the head of the Black Allied Workers’ Union in Durban. He was served at about noon yesterday with an order restricting him to the Tsolo district in the Transkei.

He was banned on November 13 1973 for five years until October 31 1978.

Mrs Brigitte Mabandla, a youth organiser at the Institute of Race Relations, was served with a three-year banning order at the offices of the Institute in Guildhall, Gardiner Street, Durban, yesterday.

The Mabandlas were arrested soon after the “Pro Frelimo” rally in Durban and detained incommunicado in Pretoria for more than six months. They were released on March 31.

                       REACTION

Mr Mohapi, who was recently elected permanent organiser of SASO, was served with a three-year banning order at the SASO offices in Beatrice Street, Durban, yesterday. He is restricted to the Zwelitsha and King William’s Town districts.

A Turfloop social science graduate, Mr Mohapi was also arrested after the “Pro-Frelimo” rally and held in Pretoria for 166 days until March 24.

Reacting to the banning of Mrs Mabandla, the chairman of the Natal region of the South African Institute of Race Relations, Dr Gavin Maasdorp, said the banning order had deprived the Institute of a capable and enthusiastic worker.

“The Institute views the banning and house arrest of Mrs Mabandla and her family to the Transkei as a cruel form of punishment.

“The Institute calls upon the Minister to test  Mrs Mabandla’s innocence or guilt in a court of law,” he said.

In terms of their banning orders, the Mabandlas are prohibited, among other things, from teaching at any school, college or university.

Being restricted to the small country district of Tsolo will mean that they will not be able to earn a livelihood.

Mr Mabandla, snr, the banned man’s father, said he would apply to the Government for the orders to be relaxed.

“My son must work and there is very little he can do in Tsolo. He was once a school teacher. I will try and get him a post but the best place is in Umtata, not Tsolo,” he said.

The secretary-general of SASO, Mr Thami Zami, said the banning and restriction of Mr Mohapi was another attempt “to silence those who are against the racist and oppressive laws of the country”.

Mr M J Naidoo, president of the Natal Indian Congress, said: “Bannings, detentions and restrictions in a democratic society are an infringement of the rule of natural justice.” Ends – Daily News Reporter Sept 24 1975

 

FORMER DETAINEES SUE JUSTICE MINISTER

 

On October 1 1975 I wrote a story about some former “Pro-Frelimo” rally detainees issuing orders against the Government for being tortured while in detention.

The story was published under the headline: “Former detainees sue Justice Minister”.

The story read:

Six former “Frelimo rally” detainees have issued summons against the Minister of Justice, Mr J T Kruger, claiming a total of R21 500 for allegedly being “assaulted and tortured” while in detention.

They are: Mr Lindeliwe Mabandla, head of the Black Allied Workers Union in Durban; his wife, Brigitte; Mr Barney Pityana, former president of SASO; Mr Revabalan Cooper, former public relations officer of BPC; Mr Mapetla Mohapi, secretary general of SASO; and Mr Mzikkhulu Gwentsha, former organiser of the National Youth Organisation.

The claim arises out of their arrests and detentions without trial following the “Pro-Frelimo” rallies at Durban’s Currie’s Fountain and the University of the North (Turfloop).

Mr Mabandla and his wife, Brigitte, who are both banned and restricted to the Tsolo district of the Transkei, had been detained incommunicado in Pretoria for 172 days and 171 days respectively. They are claiming R2 000 each.

Mr Pityana, a Port Elizabeth articled clerk who is also banned, had been detained for 100 days. He is claiming R3 000.

Mr Mohapi and Mr Cooper, who were served with three-year banning orders last week, had been in detention for 160 days and 189 days respectively.

Mr Mohapi, who is restricted to the Zwelitsha and King William’s Town districts of the Eastern Cape, is claiming R2 000 and Mr Cooper, who is restricted to the magisterial district of Durban, is claiming R6 000.

Mr Gwentshe of East London, who was in prison for 164 days, is suing the Minister for R6 500.

A Durban firm of attorneys is acting for the six people. Ends – Daily News Reporter October 1 1975

BANNED PAIR MAY HAVE FLED COUNTRY

 

Just about a week later I received information that the banned and restricted Mabandla couple may have skipped the country rather than move to the Transkei. I wrote the article and it was published under the headline: “Banned pair may have fled country” on October 10 1975.

The story read:

Mr Lindeliwe Mabandla and his wife, Brigitte, the Durban couple who have been banned and restricted to the Tsolo district in the Transkei, are believed to have fled the country.

They are said to have gone either to Swaziland or Botswana and are heading for Malawi, where one of Mrs Mabandla’s cousins is a top government official.

The Mabandlas were to have left Durban last Thursday for Tsolo but the Security Police, the local police at Tsolo and Mr Z M Mabandla, the Transkeian Minister of Agriculture, who is the father of Mr Mabandla, do not know their whereabouts.

It is thought that they secretly skipped the country sometime between September 30 and October 8 and not even their closest friends knew about their plans.

A few days after their banning and restriction, Mrs Mabandla telephoned the Durban office of the Security Police and asked what arrangements had been made for their accommodation in Tsolo.

When approached, Colonel F Steenkamp, head of the Security Police in Natal, told The Daily News: “I don’t know their whereabouts.” He refused to comment further.

The station commander at the Tsolo police station, Senior Sargeant M. Jumba, said: “I don’t where they are, because if they are here, I will know about it as I am responsible for the whole of the district of Tsolo.”

At the time of his restrictions to Tsolo, Mr Mabandla, jnr, was head of the Black Allied Workers’ Union in Durban. Ends – Daily News Reporter Oct 10 1975

 

BANNED COUPLE LIVING IN BOTSWANA

 

Early in December 1975 I received information that the Mabandlas now living in Botswana after skipping the country in October.

I wrote the story and it was published under the headline: “Banned couple living in Botswana” on December 11 1975.

The story read:

The banned couple, Mr Lindeliwe Mabandla and his wife, Brigitte, who skipped the country early in October are in Botswana.

It is reliably known that Mrs Mabandla, who worked as a youth organiser at the Durban offices of the Institute for Race Relations,  sent a brief note to a friend in Durban saying she and her husband were now in Botswana.

But Mr Z M Mabandla, the Transkei Minister of Agriculture who is the father of Lindeliwe, told The Daily News today from Umtata that he still did not know the whereabouts of his son and daughter-in-law.

He said he was concerned about their safety because they might be in danger even though they had left the country.

Mr Mabandla, jnr, and his wife were banned and restricted to the Tsolo district in the Transkei in September, but had their departure from Durban extended to October 9. He and his wife then disappeared from their Clermont home near Pinetown.

At that time it was believed they had fled to Swaziland.

Mr Mabandla, who was head of the Black Allied Workers’ Union in Durban, was previously banned on November 3 1973 for five years. Ends – Daily News Reporter December 11 1975  

 

 

FOOTNOTE:

Nine of the SASO and BPC leaders who were charged under the Terrorism Act in Pretoria were found guilty and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment on Robben Island in 1976. The  nine - Mr Saths Cooper, Mr Muntu Myeza,  Mr Patrick Lekota, Dr Aubrey Mokoape, Mr Vincent Nkomo, Mr Pandelani Nefolovhodwe,  Mr Strini Moodley, Mr Zitulele Cindi, and Mr Gilbert Sedibe served terms of between 10 years and five years. (Jan 28 2021)

RECALLING HISTORY - M S STANLEY – CLOTHING INDUSTRY ACTIVIST

 M S STANLEY ELECTED GENERAL SECRETARY OF GARMENT WORKERS UNION OF NATAL IN 1975

 

Researching through my files of stories I had written while working at the Daily News between 1973 and 1980 I came across another item which is of historical importance.

The story was published on February 11 1975 under the headline: “Former clothing factory machinist elected secretary of Garment Workers’ Union”.

The story read:

A former clothing factory machinist, Mr M S Stanley, has been appointed general secretary of the 30 000-strong Garment Workers’ Union of Natal.

He is the union’s second appointment in six months since the resignation of Mrs Harriet Bolton in October.

Mr Stanley (58), who has succeeded Mr H C Webber, is the first black to be chosen to this position in the 41-year history of the union.

Mr Stanley has served the Garment Workers’ Union  since its formation in 1934 by the late Mr Jimmy Bolton, husband of the veteran trade unionist Mrs Harriet Bolton.

Mrs Bolton left for England recently after serving the union for 10 years.

While still a machinist, Mr Stanley was appointed a shop steward in 1934. He served in this capacity for 20 years, on the executive council of the union for 18 years and as vice-president for two years.

He was also a trustee of the union from 1946 to 1951 and appointed organiser in 1958. He served in this position until his appointment last week as general secretary and treasurer.

During his term as organiser, Mr Stanley represented the union on the Industrial Council for the Clothing Industry for more than 25 years. He was a member of the Sick Fund Management Committee of the Industrial Council and negotiated wage agreements as a representative of the union with the Natal Clothing Manufacturers on several occasions. Ends – Daily News Reporter Feb 11 1975

 

FOOTNOTE: Mr Stanley, a descendant of indentured labourers, would have turned 104 this year. It would be interesting to know about his early life from his family members. Anyone with information about Mr Stanley should contact the writer on: subrygovender@gmail.com or what’s up 082 376 9053.

RECALLING HISTORY - "JITLA" - FIRST GENERATION DESCENDANT OF INDENTURED LABOURERS DIES AT 101 IN JANUARY 1974

                                  

                                         

                                        ‘JITLA’ DIES AT 101 

 While researching through my articles that I did when working for the Daily News between 1973 and 1980, I came across another story that I wrote about a first-generation descendant of indentured labourers passing on at the age of 101. 
The Corona virus lockdown provided me the opportunity to research my Daily News articles and the work I did during 1980 and 1994 for overseas radio stations and other media. 
 The article on Mr Jitla Govender was published under the headline: “ ‘JITLA’ dies at 101” on January 7 1974. 
The article was about one of the oldest residents of Port Shepstone on the south coast, Mr M P “Jitla” Govender who passed on at his home in the rural area of Izotsha at the age of 101. 
The article read: The son of indentured workers, Mr Govender moved to Port Shepstone more than 50 years ago. He was a sugar-cane farmer and market gardener. He played an important role in the promotion of the Tamil language, religion and culture in Port Shepstone. He is survived by his 73-year-old wife, Poonganam, and two children. The funeral was held yesterday. Ends – Daily News Reporter January 7 1974

RECALLING HISTORY - FORMER INDENTURED LABOURER, SEORAJ RUGNATH, DIES, AGED 106, IN MAY 1973

 
MR SEORAJ RUGNATH – DEATH OF INDIAN AGED 106

 
Paging through my articles that I did when working at the Daily News in Durban between 1973 and 1980, I came across another story about a former indentured labourer passing on at the ripe-old age of 106. The article was published under the headline: “Death of Indian, aged 106,” on May 23 1973.

The story read:

A Durban man, Mr Seoraj Rugnath, who arrived from India as an indentured labourer at the age of 16, died, aged 106, at his Sea Cow Lake home yesterday.
Born in Allabahad, India, Mr Rugnath, came to South Africa in 1883 and worked at a sugar plantation in Cornubia, on the North Coast.
Mr Rugnath later became one of the first bus operators in Durban.
He had seven children and a number of grand-children and great-grand-children.
Mr Rugnath was to be cremated at the Clare Estate Crematorium this afternoon. Ends – Daily News Reporter May 23 1973

 

FOOTNOTE: It would be interesting to know whether the descendants of Mr Rugnath have any knowledge about the arrival, work at the sugar estate and life of their former indentured-labourer ancestor. Any of the descendants who have some information should contact the writer on: subrygovender@gmail.com .

MUNIAMMA FAMILY SOCIAL CLUB MEMORABLE PHOTOS